The enemy's lines were several miles in length, covering those spurs--Kensington, Bush and Pine Mountains. Our troops were pushing up as close as possible under a continuous and heavy fire. While advancing our lines our forces could see the signals of the enemy on the mountains, and very soon learned to read them.
"In one of the forward movements on our extreme right a very sharp artillery duel took place between Davies' artillery and Polkhorn's, who formed the enemy's left. During this engagement Polkhorn was killed by one of our round shots. Our signal officers interpreted the enemy's signals stating his death. Our boys sent up a great shout.
"The enemy thereby discovered that our men could read their signals and at once changed them, much to the chagrin of our Signal Corps.
"The railroad bridges that had been destroyed in our rear by the enemy on their retreat having been repaired, the trains began running and bringing up supplies. One day a train came in drawn by a very powerful engine. The engineer concluded that he would tempt or alarm the enemy, so he put on a full head of steam and started down the track as though he was going directly into their lines. As soon as he came in sight--which was unavoidable, as the road ran through an open field directly in front of Kensington Mountain, and then curved to the left through a gap--they opened a battery directed at the engine. Peal after peal was heard from their guns, but the engineer ran the engine down to our skirmish line and there held it for some moments, keeping up meanwhile the most hideous whistling and bell ringing. The number of guns that opened fire and their rapidity in firing was such that all along both lines they believed a battle was raging. The engineer returned his engine to the train amid the shouts of thousands of our troops.
"Our skirmishers were now close, approaching nearer and nearer every day and night, the advance being made by regular stages. Several attempts were made to double the skirmish-lines and move up the slope of the ridge, but this could not be accomplished. Finally Gen. Anderson asked permission to make a reconnaissance to our left and to the right and rear of the enemy, or at least to find where his right rested. This was permitted, and Gen. Anderson struck the enemy's cavalry some five miles to our extreme left, driving them around the point of the mountain and capturing very nearly two regiments. This at once disclosed the fact as to the exposed flank of the enemy. He then moved back to his position in line and waited further orders.
"Just about this date Gen. Sherwood received information that the expedition up Blood River had failed, and that Forrester had defeated Sturgeon and was now preparing to raid the railroads in our rear. This was not very encouraging to our forces, but caused great joy in the rebel camp in our front, as our forces learned. The next day the enemy made a feeble attack on our right, but was handsomely repulsed by Gen. Hord's Corps. Sherwood seemed determined to try to dislodge the enemy,--a flank movement seemed to others to be the way to force the enemy from his lines of works on the crest of the mountain.
"On the 27th of June, he ordered an assault on Little Kensington Mountain. Our troops at the same time were to make demonstrations on all parts of the line. McFadden assaulted, by order of the commander, the face of the mountain, where there was no possibility of success. He was hurled back, losing many officers and men. Papson assaulted on his right, where the mountain sloped down to a low foothill with no rugged heights. Here the enemy had strong earthworks, with an almost impenetrable abatis. One division after another and one corps after another were hurled against this breastwork, where fell many brave and gallant men and officers on that fatal day. Papson did not believe our troops could take those strong works, posted as the rebels were, but obeyed orders from his superior officer.
"Towards noon our losses were heavy, and it seemed like leading men into the very jaws of death to attempt another assault. Some of the officers, as well as men, openly said it was most cruel and cold-blooded murder to force men up against works where one man behind them would equal at least four of the assaulting party. Yet another attack was ordered, and about the middle of the afternoon all were ready. Sherwood was on a high hill a good distance in the rear, where he could see all that was going on.
"The order was given to move forward. Gen. Anderson was put to the front, my son Peter in command of his advance brigade. On, on they went, well knowing that many a brave boy would fall to rise no more. Not a word was spoken save the one of command. The line moved right on, the enemy pouring shot and shell into our ranks. Our brave boys fell like grass before the scythe. As our ranks thinned and gaps were made by shot and shell the solemn command could be heard, 'Close up, my brave boys!'
"Gen. Anderson rode in full dress, with a long black plume in his hat.
On and on, to the very jaws of hell they went. When close up to the enemy General Anderson raised his sword, the gleam of which could be seen afar in the sunlight. He ordered a charge, and well was it made.
Up, up, and into the jaws of death they moved. But to take the works was impossible. The whole line was now engaged. Finally our forces fell back. Gen. Anderson held his men in their line. They were not dismayed.
He was finally ordered to fall back, and did so. Peter, my son, was shot through the lungs. Sullenly and coolly did our men fall back, with curses many and loud against the blunder.
"This was the first repulse to our army, and forced the commander a few days later to do what should have been done without the loss of so many men. He moved around against Jones's flank, which caused him to abandon his line and fall back to Chatham River, into his heavy intrenchments prepared some time before.
"My son Peter, during the evening after the battle, had been conveyed to the hospital. As soon as Gen. Anderson could do so, he started to find him. He found young Whit-comb with my son, whom the General had sent earlier to look after him; also, old Ham, who was in the rear during the engagement, not far from the hospital. When the General entered, Peter recognized and greeted him, but added:
"'General, my time has come. When I go, that will be the last finger but one. My mother's dream; O! how true! how true! This is not unexpected to me, my dear General.
"I have been waiting for it. This morning, when I found what our orders were, I committed my soul to God, and felt this to be my time.'
"The General said to him that he thought there was a chance for him to get well.
"'No, no,' replied Peter; 'I may linger some time. The doctor thinks there is a chance for me; but, no; I am sure this is only the fulfilling of my mother's dream.'"
At this recital the old man wept and walked out of the room. Very soon, however, he returned, and continued:
"Why should I grieve? I will soon see them all. I am very sure that I will meet my good and brave family again in a better world."
"Amen!" said Dr. Adams.
Uncle Daniel said: "Peter always believed there was something in his mother's dream; and while Gen. Anderson was trying to encourage him, old Ham spoke up:
"'Marsa Gen'l, dey's no use. I tell you dat dream am a fac'. It is, sho', an' Marsa Peter he know it. I 'terpret dat for him; 'deed I did. I not fool on dat. But, den, we mus' take keer ob him. I 'spec' he go home an' see he mudder and fader. I 'spec' me better go wid him and tend to him. Don't you fought so too, Marsa Gen'l?'
"The General told Ham he would see about it. Peter began to improve, and it really seemed as if he would recover. I was informed by Gen. Anderson of Peter's misfortune, but kept it from my family, except Henry, who was at home, as I before stated, in order to aid me in protecting the family, the country being in such an alarming condition. The growing belief in the final success of Silent against Laws was quieting the people somewhat.
"I made an excuse to the family, so that Henry was sent South to see Peter and bring him home if he should be able to stand the journey. I obtained a pass for Henry from the President by letter, and he started to find his brother. He told Seraine, however, before he started, what his mission was. She was discreet, and did not speak of it to any one.
"During this time Sherwood moved out, McFadden on the extreme right, Scovens in the center, and Papson on the left. About six miles on the road leading to the crossing of the Chatham River Papson encountered the enemy and passed the compliments of the Fourth of July with them, firing his artillery loaded with shell into their lines. The celebration was kept up in this way by both sides during the day, but the loss was not great on either side.
"Just at this time Gen. Russell, under orders, left De Kalb, Ala., with 2,000 cavalry, passing through the country and meeting but little obstruction on his way. He finally struck the railroad west of Opelima and destroyed it for many miles, making a successful raid. He reported to Sherwood at Henrietta, with hundreds of horses and mules, supposed to have followed him, on his return.
"Stoner was also to the west of our forces hunting for railroads, bridges, etc., which might be useful to the enemy. McCabe was with his cavalry on Soap Run, and one other division under Garner at Ross Mills, to the left of our main army.
"McFadden with his army now moved to the left, by Ross Mills, across Chatham River and down to De Kalb by way of Stonington's Mountain.
Scovens crossed the Chatham River near the mouth of Soap Run, and thereby occupied the center. Papson crossed at or above the railroad bridge. The whole army was now safely across the river and moving in the direction of Gate City. McFadden had reached De Kalb and there connected with Scovens, who had extended near to the Howland House. Papson was not so far advanced, leaving quite a distance between him and Scovens.
"As Papson lay at Crab Apple Run, the men carelessly taking their rest in fancied security, they were furiously attacked by Head's Corps. At first our men were scattered in confusion, but were soon in line again, and the battle raged with great fury. After some two hours' hard fighting the enemy fell back and again occupied their breast-works.
The losses on both sides were heavy for the length of time they were engaged.
"On the same afternoon Gen. Legg's division had a very sharp contest for a high hill in an open field to the left and south of the railroad from the east to Gate City. Legg secured this hill, which overlooked the city and was the key to the situation on the east side.
"On the 22d a great battle was fought over this ground by McFadden's army, which was severe and bloody, lasting well into the night.
Thousands were slain on both sides. The field almost ran with blood.
Gen. McFadden fell early in the day, and the command then devolved upon another. The battle was a success to the Union troops. It was a great victory. Many prisoners and a great quantity of munitions of war fell into the hands of our troops. Gen. Sherwood for some reason remained at the Howland House during this battle, with Scovens, whose forces were not engaged. This battle cannot be properly described in this narrative, nor will I attempt it.
"On the 28th another great battle was fought by the same gallant army as on the 22d, without assistance, at a place called Ezra's House, on the extreme right of our lines. Having been ordered to move round to the rear of Scovens and Papson, after the 22d, they struck the enemy. During this engagement the enemy made as many as seven different assaults upon our line, but were repulsed with great loss each time. Night closed in and ended the contest. The next morning the dead of the enemy lay in front of our lines in rows and in piles. The enemy having retreated during the night, our troops buried their dead, which numbered hundreds.
One of their Color-Sergeants, of a Louisiana regiment, was killed, and his flag taken by a boy of an Ohio regiment within twenty feet of our lines.
"Skirmishing and fighting continued around and about Gate City for nearly a month, during which time the losses on both sides were very serious. The latter part of August a general movement to the flank and rear of the enemy was made by the whole of the united forces. McFadden's army, now commanded by Hord, moved on the right in the direction of Jonesville, and a terrific battle ensued, lasting for some four hours.
They fought against two corps of rebels, which were driven back and through Jonesville to the southward.
"Late in the night a great noise of bursting shell was heard to the north and east of Jonesville. The heavens seemed to be in a blaze. The red glare, as it reflected in beauty against the sky, was beyond brush or word painting. The noise was so terrific that all the troops on the right felt sure that a night attack had been made on Pap-son and that a terrible battle was being fought. Couriers were sent hurriedly to the left to ascertain the cause, and about daylight information was received that Head--who was in command of the rebel forces, having succeeded Jones--had blown up all his magazines, burned his storehouses of supplies, evacuated Gate City, and was marching with his army rapidly in the direction of Loveland Station.
"Thus the great rebel stronghold, Gate City, had fallen and was ours.
The joy in our army was indescribable. Sherwood moved on Loveland Station and skirmished with the enemy during one afternoon, but no battle ensued; why, has often been asked by our best-informed men. Our troops moved back on the same road by which they had advanced to and around Gate City, and then went into camp, remaining during the month of September with but little activity.
"One day, at Gen. Sherwood's headquarters, Gen. Anderson was asked by Sherwood if he was ever in the Regular Army. Gen. Anderson replied in the negative.
"Sherwood said: 'I am sorry for that, as I would like to give you a larger command. You are certainly a good soldier.'
"'Well,' said Gen. Anderson, 'is it not good soldiers that you want?'
"'That is true,' said Sherwood; 'but we are compelled to make this distinction, where we have those who are or have been in the old army, or have been educated at the Military Academy.'
"'But, General, suppose a man is or has been in the Regular Army or educated at the Military Academy, and is not a successful General, how will you then decide?'
"'Well, Gen. Anderson, we have studied war and know all about it; you have not. We must rely upon those who make it a profession. Papson, Scovens and myself have considered the matter, and we cannot trust volunteers to command large forces. We are responsible, you know.'
"'But, General, you seem to trust volunteers where there is hard fighting to do, or where there is any desperate assault to be made.'
"'Yes, that is true; but we cannot afford to allow volunteers to be put over Regular officers; Regulars do not like it, and we cannot do it.'
"'I have seen some of your volunteer officers and soldiers succeed where your Regulars have failed. Should not such men be as much entitled to the credit as if they were professional or Regular Army soldiers?'
"'There may be cases of that kind; but we will not discuss this further.
I can only say that while we have Regulars to command our armies, we will see to it that they are given the places.'
"Gen. Anderson was very angry, but said no more except 'good-by.'