My Dear Sir: Language was said by Talleyrand to be useful for the concealment of one's thoughts; but in our day it falls to communicate any thought. If it had been otherwise, the complaint in relation to Gen. Price of which you speak could not have been made. The Commissioners of Missouri were informed that when that State offered troops they would be organized according to our military laws, and Generals would be appointed for brigades and divisions. Until then I have no power to appoint Generals for those troops. The same statements, substantially, were made to the members of Congress from Missouri who called on me yesterday. They were also informed that, from conversation with Informed persons and from correspondence now on file in the War Department, I was convinced that it was needful to the public interest that a General should be sent to the Arkansas and Missouri Division who had not been connected with any of the troops on that line of operations; and to the statement that the Missouri troops would not fully enlist under any one except Gen. Price, I asked if they required their General to be put in command of the troops of Arkansas, of Texas, and of the other Southern States. To bring these different forces into harmonious co-operation is a necessity. I have sought to effect it by selecting Gen. Heth to command them in combination. If it is designed, by calling Heth a West Point Cadet, merely to object to his education in the science of war, it may pass for what it is worth; but if it be Intended to assert that he is without experience, his years of active and distinguished service on the frontier of Missouri and the territory west of it will, to those who examine before they censure, be a sufficient answer. The Federal forces are not hereafter as heretofore to be commanded by pathfinders and holiday soldiers, but by men of military education and experience in war. The contest is therefore to be on a scale of very different proportions than that of the partisan warfare witnessed during the past Summer and Fall. I have long since learned to bear hasty censure, in hope that justice, if tardy, is sure; and in any event to find consolation in the assurance that all my ends have been my country's.
With high respect,
JEFFERSON DAVIS.
{296} Gen. Ben McCulloch thought best to go on to Richmond to explain his course since Wilson's Creek, and also to look after the very tender subject of his rank and powers. He left Gen. James S. Mcintosh in command of his troops. Mcintosh had grievances of his own. He was not being recognized by the Confederate authorities as he thought a man of his abilities and soldierly experience should have been, and he seems to have liked cooperation with Gen. Price very much less even than did Gen. McCulloch. In no very gentlemanly terms he repelled Price's proposition to combine their forces and push forward to the Missouri River. The best that Price could get out of him was the assurance that if the Federals advanced upon him at Springfield he, Mcintosh, would come forward to his assistance.
Price had greatly underestimated Gen. Halleck's energy and aggressiveness. Gen. Halleck was the first of our commanders to really rise to the level of the occasion and take a comprehensive grasp upon affairs. Unlike some others, he wasted no time in sounding proclamations or in lengthy letters of advice to the Administration as to the political conduct of the war. He was a soldier, proud of his profession, true to his traditions, and possibly had ambition to be reckoned among the great commanders. He had been noted for high administrative ability, and this trait was well illustrated in his grasp of the situation in Missouri and on the borders of the State. His main communications to the people were orders, plain, practical, and to the point. Whatever he did was on the highest plane of the science of warfare as he understood it.
Proper military discipline and subordination were introduced everywhere and a rigid system of accountability. He had troubles with his own men to add to his difficulties with the enemy. We find the most note of this with reference to the Germans.
{297} The Missouri Germans were a splendid lot of men, taken as a whole, and had an unusual number of officers who were trained soldiers of considerable military experience. At the head of this class was Gen. Peter J. Osterhaus, who had been a private soldier under Lyon in securing the Arsenal, and had commanded a battalion with high credit to himself at Wilson's Creek. He was now a Colonel commanding a brigade.
With this excellent material there was a large per cent that ranged from worthless to actually criminal. Many adventurers from the European armies had hastened to this country to sell their swords to the best advantage, and many black sheep, who had been forced out of their armies, sought in our troubles and our ignorance of military matters an opportunity for their own exaltation and profit. Halleck dealt with all with a firm, unsparing hand. He began to weed out the worthless officers and to court-martial the rascals. Company, battalion and regimental organizations which he found too mutinous and disorderly for hopeful management, he either disarmed and set to hard labor or discharged from the service.
The raids of the vengeful Kansans across the Missouri borders gave him excessive annoyance, and he issued orders that all Kansas parties entering the State should be arrested and disarmed. That he might have more complete control of them, however, he recommended that the Department of Kansas be merged with his command, and as this was in had mony with Gen. Hunter's ideas, it was subsequently done. In the meanwhile he had to look out for the Mississippi River and the highly important point of, Cairo. He started to construct a fleet of gunboats to help control the river and assist the Army in its operations.
{298} His next neighbor to the eastward was Maj. Gen. Don Carlos Buell, commanding the Department of the Ohio, which extended from the Cumberland River to the Allegheny Mountains. Gen. Buell's complete cooperation was necessary to the management of affairs in the Mississippi Valley, but this seems to have been difficult to secure. Buell had his own ideas, and they frequently did not harmonize with those of Gen. Halleck. Halleck recommended that Buell's Department be put under his own command, which was also done later.
Bridge-burning and other outrages by straggling bands claiming to be Confederates seriously disturbed the peace, embarrassed operations, and worried the Commanding General. Halleck reported that within 10 days prior to Jan. 1, 1862, these bridge-burners had destroyed $150,000 worth of railroad property and that they had concocted a plan to burn, simultaneously, every railroad bridge in the State, and set fire to the city of St. Louis in a number of places. In his comprehensive order advising summary and severe punishment against these marauders he took careful guards against such being made the pretext for any private vengeance or official malice, and instituted Military Commissions of not less than three responsible officers, acting under the solemnity of an oath, and making written reports of their proceedings. This order brought down a storm of abuse from the Secessionist and semi-Secessionist press, which Halleck calmly disregarded.
Gen. Sterling Price on Jan. 12 wrote Gen. Halleck a strong letter protesting against the order and asking the question whether "individuals and parties of men specially appointed and instructed by me to destroy railroads, culverts, bridges, etc." were, if captured, to be regarded as deserving of death.
{299} Gen. Halleck in reply said: You also complain that "individuals and parties of men specially appointed and instructed by you to destroy railroads, culverts and bridges by tearing them up, burning, etc., have been arrested and subjected to a general court- martial for alleged crimes." This statement is in the main correct. Where "individuals and parties of men" violate the laws of war they will be tried, and if found guilty will certainly be punished, whether acting by your "special appointment and instruction" or not. You must be aware, General, that no orders of yours can save from punishment spies, marauders, robbers, incendiaries, guerrilla bands, etc., who violate the laws of war. You cannot give immunity to crime. But let us fully understand each other on this point. If you send armed forces wearing the garb of soldiers and duly organized and enrolled as legitimate belligerents to destroy railroads, bridges, etc., as a military act, we shall kill them, if possible, in open warfare, or, if we capture them, we shall treat them as prisoners of war.
But it is well understood that you have sent numbers of your adherents in the garb of peaceful citizens, and under false pretenses, through our lines into northern Missouri, to rob and destroy the property of Union men and to burn and destroy railroad bridges, thus endangering the lives of thousands, and this, too, without any military necessity or possible military advantage. Moreover, peaceful citizens of Missouri, quietly working on their farms, have been instigated by your emissaries to take up arms as insurgents, to rob and plunder and to commit arson and murder. They do not even act under the garb of soldiers, but in false pretenses and in the guise of peaceful citizens. You certainly will not pretend that men guilty of such crimes, although "specially appointed and instructed by you," are entitled to the rights and immunities of ordinary prisoners of war. If you do, will you refer me to a single authority on the laws of war which recognizes such a claim?
You may rest assured, General, that all prisoners of war not guilty of crime will be treated with all proper consideration and kindness. With the exception of being properly confined, they will be lodged and fed, and where necessary clothed, the same as our own troops. I am sorry to say that our prisoners who have come from your camps do not report such treatment on your part. They say that you gave them no rations, no clothing, no blankets, but left them to perish with want and cold. Moreover, It is believed that you subsist your troops by robbing and plundering the non- combatant Union inhabitants of the southwestern Counties of this State. Thousands of poor families have fled to us for protection and support They say that your troops robbed them of their provisions and clothing, carrying away their shoes and bedding, and even cutting cloth from their looms, and that you have driven women and children from their homes to starve and perish in the cold. I have not retaliated such conduct upon your adherents here, as I have no intention of waging such a barbarous warfare; but I shall, whenever I can, punish such crimes, by whomsoever they may be committed.
{300} An examination of the correspondence leads to the conclusion that Halleck possessed very superior talents as a letter writer.
Contrasted with Fremont, McClellan, Buell and others, Halleck gave great satisfaction in Washington, and Secretary Stanton telegraphed him as follows: Your energy and ability receive the strongest commendation of this Department You have my perfect confidence, and may rely upon the utmost support in your undertakings. The pressure of my engagements have prevented me from writing, but I shall do so fully in a day or two.
Though he made the most of every resource, Halleck was sorely pressed for money and supplies for his force. His letters and messages mention the shipment of pantaloons to this one, shoes to another, blankets to a third, as he could get hold of articles to supply present wants, and of counsels of patience as to delays in paying off, since the Paymasters were far behind in their work. Jan. 17 he telegraphed to Gen. Curtis: General: Yours of yesterday received. I regret to inform you that neither the Pay nor Quartermaster's Departments have any money. Troops are sent from here to Cairo without pay. I can do no better for you. The moment money is received the forces under your command shall be supplied. They were all paid to the 31st of October. Some here and in north Missouri are not paid for September and October. I have done everything in my power for the troops at Rolla, and they have no cause to complain of me.
The truth is that Congress is so busy discussing the eternal nigger question that they fail to make any appropriations, and the financial departments are dead broke. No requisitions for money are filled.
The extra-duty pay will be forthcoming as soon as we get any money. Assure these men that they will be paid, but they must have patience. I am doing everything in my power for them.
We must all do the best we can to make the men comfortable and contented till we get more means. I rely upon you to use all your powers of conciliation, especially with the German troops. You told me you could manage them, and I rely upon you to do it At present we have more difficulties to conquer with our own men than with the enemy.
{301} While engaged in these numberless activities Gen. Halleck came down with a severe attack of measles, and was confined to his room for two weeks, but there does not appear to have been any intermittence in his energy.
Gen. Halleck's plans contemplated sending forward a column sufficient to crush Price, if he could be brought to battle, and drive him out of the State anyway. Another column was to advance from Ironton or Fredericktown and interpose between Polk at Columbus and Price, to prevent the former from assisting the latter. In the meanwhile Gen. Polk would have sufficient to occupy his attention in his "Gibraltar," as Gen. Grant would make a flank movement up the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers. Halleck had come to the conclusion that Columbus would cost too much in life and blood to be taken by a direct assault, and it would be better therefore to turn it.
This plan was an excellent one, as Halleck's plans usually were, at that time, and it was subsequently carried out substantially as conceived.
There were the most conflicting reports as to the number of men Price had with him at Springfield at that time, but it was supposed all the way from 25,-000 to 50,000, with rather the stronger emphasis on the greater number. The Secessionists insisted upon the immensity of the army which had flocked to Price encouraged by the events untoward to the Union cause of the last half of 1861 and the indignation aroused by the invasion and depredations of the Kansas Jayhawkers and the "St. Louis Dutch."
{302} It was reasonable to suppose, from the state of feeling in Missouri, that Price might have from 40,000 to 50,000 men, but Halleck, who was unusually well-informed for our Generals at that period of the war, decided that a column of about 10,000 men would be sufficient for the work. In this he was at a disagreement with Gen. Curtis and others in nearer contact with Price, who estimated the Secessionist force at Springfield in the neighborhood of 20,000 or 25,000. Yielding to their urgent representations, he increased his force to about 15,000, of which 3,000 were required to guard the lengthening line of communications, leaving a movable column of 12,000 to move directly against Price. This force was officially designated the "Army of the Southwest," and there was assigned to its command our old acquaintance, Brig.-Gen. Samuel R. Curtis, West Point graduate, lawyer, Mexican veteran, railroad engineer, and Congressman. This made more or less heart-burning among Brig.-Gens. Franz Sigel, B. M. Prentiss, S. A. Hurlbut, S. D. Sturgis and others who had hopes in that direction. Sigel stood no chance for the place, however, for Halleck had conceived a strong distrust of him growing out of his action at Wilson's Creek, and also because he was a leader among the radical Germans who wanted to pull slavery up by the roots. Sturgis felt that more consideration should have been given to him as commander of the army at Wilson's Creek after Lyon fell. Curtis, in turn, gave strong dissatisfaction to some of the brigade commanders by selecting Jeff C. Davis, a Captain in the Regular Army and Colonel of the 22d Ind., and Eugene A. Carr, also a Captain in the Regular Army and Colonel of the 3d Ill. Cav., to command two of his four divisions.
{303} In its forward movement the commanders had the benefit of the burning zeal of the young volunteers. These, who had enlisted to put down the rebellion, wanted to lose no time in doing their work. They were not minded to lie around camps, no matter how comfortable, during the long Winter months. In the Northern homes from which they came the Winter had always been a season of great activity. They could not understand why it should not be so in Missouri and they hungered for active employment to the great end of suppressing the rebellion. Their recent successes had inspired them with hopes that they might be able to finish up the work and get back home in time for their Spring duties.
Though the Winter of 1861-'62 was an exceptionally hard, disagreeable one in Missouri, the volunteers left their camps with alacrity, pressing forward through the storms and mud with sanguine hopefulness that they were now about to accomplish their great purpose. Gen. Curtis selected his first base at Lebanon, 55 miles distant from Springfield, and sent forward Col. Carr with about 1,700 infantry and cavalry to occupy that point, gain information as to the condition of things in Price's camp, and to set on foot preparation for supplying the advancing army from the surrounding country.
The Union commanders were to learn a lesson from Price, who did not encumber himself with long trains, but "compelled war to support war" by drawing his supplies from the country through which he operated. Under Halleck's orders Gen. Curtis directed that the cavalry should locate all the mills convenient to the line of march, set them to work grinding grain, and encourage the Union farmers to bring in their grain, hogs and cattle, for which the Quartermaster would pay them fair prices. This work was an admirable education for Halleck's Chief Quartermaster, a young Captain named Philip H. Sheridan, who was to turn the lessons then learned to magnificent account afterwards.
{304} Lebanon was taken possession of without more resistance than a running fight in which a notorious Capt. Tom Craig, of the Confederate army, was killed. Gen. Curtis arrived at Lebanon Jan. 31, leaving Sigel and Asboth at Rolla to follow as fast as the roads would permit. The recent severe storms of sleet and snow had been quite trying to the men and animals, but the columns were pressed forward, and on Feb. 7 Sigel's and Asboth's men were all in Lebanon, where they were joined by Jeff C. Davis's Division marching from Otterville by the way of Linn Creek.
Halleck's orders to Curtis were clear, comprehending and purposeful. Curtis seems to have been not a little apprehensive of the force he might have to encounter, but Halleck constantly urged him forward, at the same time enjoining him to keep his troops well in hand, and not allow Price to attack him in detail. He was to "throw out his cavalry carefully, like fingers to the hands." Most particularly he was not to allow Sigel to go off on any independent expedition and serve him as Sigel had served Lyon at Wilson's Creek. Halleck urged Hunter to advance his Kansas troops down through his department so as to threaten Price's left flank, and he told Curtis that if he, Curtis, would take care of Price, that he himself would look out for Johnson, Polk, Beauregard and Hardee.
{305} The splendid young Missouri, Iowa and Illinois volunteers, welded into superb regiments by months of service, with the worthless of their officers removed by Halleck's rigid pruning, pressed forward with an enthusiasm that no storms could diminish or wretchedness of roads discourage. They forded swollen, icy streams, pulled their wagons up steep hills, or pried them out of quagmires, and bore the fury of the storm with sanguine cheerfulness, believing they were now moving directly forward to the great end of crushing the enemies of the Government and closing the war.
Price's outlying detachments were come up with and struck with a suddenness and vigor that sent them flying in utter rout. It speaks very ill for Price, with all his means for accurate information, that he knew nothing of this rapid advance of the Union army until the heads of Curtis's columns were at his very pickets. He was entirely unready for battle, and could only hastily gather his men together and make a quick retreat to the rough hills south of Springfield, leaving all his stores and his laboriously-constructed cantonments for the Union army. Feb. 13 Curtis had the satisfaction of reporting to Hal-leck as follows: The Flag of the Union floats over the Court House of Springfield, Mo. The enemy attacked us with small parties at 10:30 o'clock 12 miles out, and my front guards had a running Are with them most of the afternoon. At dusk a regiment of the Confederate cavalry attacked the outer picket, but did not move it. A few shots from a howitzer killed two and wounded several. The regiment retreated to this place, and the enemy immediately commenced the evacuation of the city. I entered the city at 10 a. m. My cavalry is in full pursuit. They say the enemy is making a stand at Wilson's Creek. Forage, flour and other stores in large quantities taken. Shall pursue as fast as the strength of the men will allow.
{306} In Gen. Sheridan's "Memoirs" he gives this sidelight on the advance upon Springfield: By hard work we soon accumulated a sufficient quantity of flour and corn meal to justify the resumption of our march on Springfield, at or near which point the enemy was believed to be awaiting us, and the order was given to move forward, the Commanding General cautioning me, in the event of disaster, to let no salt fall into Gen. Price's hands.
Gen. Curtis made a hobby of this matter of salt, believing the enemy sadly in need of that article, and he impressed me deeply with his conviction that our cause would be seriously injured by a loss which would inure so greatly and peculiarly to the enemy's benefit; but we discovered afterward, when Price abandoned his position, that about all he left behind was salt.
When we were within about eight miles of Springfield Gen.
Curtis decided to put his troops in line of battle for the advance on the town, and directed me to stretch out my supply train in a long line of battle, so that in falling back, in case the troops were repulsed, he could rally the men on the wagons. I did not like the tactics, but, of course, obeyed the order.
The line moved on to Springfield, and took the town without resistance, the enemy having fled southward, in the direction of Pea Ridge, the preceding day. Of course, our success relieved my anxiety about the wagons; but fancy has often pictured since the stampede of six-mule teams that, had we met with any reverse, would have taken place over the prairies of southwest Missouri.
It was felt almost certain that Price had only abandoned Springfield in order to offer battle more advantageously in the rough hills south of the town where Wilson's Creek had been fought. The spirit of the army was up, and it moved promptly forward to engage him in his chosen fastness. The Secessionist historians and the admirers of Price, Marmaduke, Shelby and others give thrillingly sanguinary stories of the fierce resistance offered in the defiles and passes through the foothills of the Ozarks, but these statements are not supported by either the official reports or the regimental histories of the Union army. These all concur in the statement that while there was a great deal of noisy cannonading, Price's troops yielded ground quite easily, and all were surprised that no more effective resistance was made at places that offered such wonderful opportunities for defense.
{307} In his report to Gov. Jackson Gen. Price gives this succinct statement of his share in the movement: About the latter part of January my scouts reported that the enemy were concentrating in force at Rolla, and shortly thereafter they occupied Lebanon. Believing that this movement could be for no other purpose than to attack me, and knowing that my command was inadequate for such resistance as the Interest of my army and the cause demanded, I appealed to the commanders of the Confederate troops In Arkansas to come to my assistance. This from correspondence I was confidently led to expect, and, relying upon it, I held my position to the very last moment, and, as the sequel proved, almost too long, for on Wednesday, Feb.
12, my pickets were driven in, and reported the enemy advancing upon me in force. No resource was now left me except retreat, without hazarding all with greatly unequal numbers upon the result of one engagement. This I deemed it unwise to do. I commenced retreating at once. I reached Cassville with loss unworthy of mention in any respect. Here the enemy in my rear commenced a series of attacks running through four days. Retreating and fighting all the way to Cross Hollows, in this State, I am rejoiced to say my command, under the most exhausting fatigue all that time, with but little rest for either man or beast and no sleep, sustained themselves and came through, repulsing the enemy upon every occasion with great determination and gallantry.
My loss does not exceed four to six killed and some 15 to 18 wounded. That of the enemy we know to be ten times as great.
Gen. Price's estimate of the losses he inflicted is widely divergent from that of Gen. Curtis, who does not admit any losses in killed in the noisy engagements while pushing Price back through the rough gorges, until he arrived at the Sugar Creek Crossing, six miles into Arkansas, where he lost 13 killed and 15 or 20 wounded in a very spirited little fight with the combined troops of Price and McCulloch, and camped that night upon the battlefield from which the enemy had retreated. Here Col. Cyrus Bussey joined him with five companies of the 3d Iowa Cav., having made a forward march from Rolla, Mo., in four days.
{308} Curtis was so encouraged by his success that he kept on pushing Price back upon McCulloch, even upon the boasted "Gibraltar" at Cross Hollows, and then, to the astonishment and delight of himself and the whole army, forced the evacuation of this stronghold by a flank movement The rebels' abandonment of it was so complete that they burned all their stores and the great array of cabins built for quarters, leaving only the chimneys to mark the long rows.
Thus any expectation of a sanguinary battle fell in disappointment. So much had been said about Cross Hollows that the Union troops were certain that they would have to fight a desperate battle at or near it. It was known that at least 4,000 regularly-organized troops had been quartered there for months, subjected to thorough drill and discipline. Gen. McCulloch had boasted that he had prepared a trap in which to catch and ruin the Federal General if he ventured that far south. McCulloch's only fear was of being unable to draw the Federal General into the trap.
The Confederates left their sick and wounded behind them in the hospitals, and the untiring Gen. Asboth, commanding the cavalry, pushed the rear guard rapidly through to Bentonville. Returning to Curtis's camp a day or two later, Gen. Asboth was sent with a force of cavalry to Fayetteville, a most important town in northwestern Arkansas, where he learned that his enemies had hid themselves in the Boston Mountains.
{309} Gen. Curtis had completed his work of driving Price from Missouri and some distance beyond her borders. He then drew his forces together and established himself at Cross Hollows, with the ultimate intention of retiring to the better position of Sugar Creek Crossing, in the event of the enemy concentrating any force against him. In the meanwhile he would hope that the turning movements which Halleck had planned would occupy Price's and McCulloch's attention, and draw them away from him.
{310}
CHAPTER XVIII. GEN. EARL VAN DORN TAKES COMMAND.
Jefferson Davis carried out his determination to appoint an officer superior in rank to both Gens. McCulloch and Price. After first appointing Gen. Harry Heth, and then offering the appointment to Gen. Braxton Bragg, he selected another of his favorites, Gen. Earl Van Dorn, who had been a fiery partisan among the officers of the Regular Army for States Rights and Secession, was a native of Mississippi, and had graduated from West Point in 1842, 52d in a class of 56. Whatever his intellectual qualities may have been, he was a man of great force and energy, and had won two brevets for distinguished gallantry in the Mexican War. He gained still more distinction by his successful expeditions against the fierce Comanches, a tribe then in the hight of its power. In one of these his small command killed 56 Indians. In his engagements with the Comanches he had received four wounds, two of which were quite serious. He had been very active in bringing about Gen. Twiggs's disgraceful surrender of his command in Texas.
When Jefferson Davis, as Secretary of War, organized the additional regiments for the Regular Army he took particular pains to promote into them men of his way of thinking on States Rights, and who would be useful in the coming contest which he foresaw.
{311} One of these new regiments,-then called the 2d U. S. Cav., later changed to the 5th U. S. Cav., was quite remarkable for this selection, as it showed Mr. Davis's thorough acquaintance with the character of the Regular officers, and what they could be relied upon to do when Secession should be brought about. He made Colonel of the regiment Albert Sidney Johnston, later General, C. S. A.; Lieutenant-Colonels, Robert E. Lee, afterward General, C. S. A.; W. J. Hardee, Lieutenant-General, C. S. A., and E. Kirby Smith, General, C. S. A., and the Majors were George H. Thomas, W. H. Emory, Major-Generals, U. S. A., and Earl Van Dorn, Major-General, C. S. A.
Mississippi seceded Jan. 9,1861. Earl Van Dorn promptly tendered his resignation and became active, if he had not been before, in bringing about the surrender by Gen. Twiggs of the United States troops, stores and munitions of war in Texas, by which we lost nearly half of the entire strength of the Regular Army, besides some $2,000,000 of supplies, the control of the Mexican frontier, and a large portion of Indian frontier. Van Dorn had been commissioned Colonel in the Confederate army, and hoped to add the surrendered troops to the military establishment of the Southern Confederacy. He put a great deal of pressure upon the officers and men to induce them to change their allegiance, but was remarkably unsuccessful in the latter, not a single enlisted man accepting his offers of promotion and increased pay. Only those officers went over whose course had been predetermined. None of previous loyalty wavered for an instant.
{312} Gen. Twiggs had made a capitulation with Gen. McCulloch, of Texas, as if treating with another Nation. The terms were that the troops should be conveyed to the nearest seaport, and thence sent home. The steamer "Star of the West," which had come into notoriety as being the object at which the first gun of the rebellion was aimed, had been sent to Indianola, Tex., to receive Twiggs's troops. Van Dorn, enraged by his failure to accomplish his purpose, violated the terms of the capitulation. He marched his forces upon the unarmed troops gathered near Indianola, compelled them to surrender, and captured the "Star of the West." The officers and men were kept prisoners in Texas for months afterwards, and subjected to much hardship.
Halleck wrote to Curtis: "Beware of Van Dorn. He is an energetic officer."
Van Dorn was not to justify the high expectations entertained of him, and after several failures to improve great opportunities he finally fell, in 1863, at the age of 42, before the pistol of an injured husband.
Van Dorn promptly repaired to his command, and seems to have been welcomed with entirely loyal subordination by both Price and McCulloch, though both were much older than he, and had held higher commands, Gen. Price having been a Brigadier-General at a time when Van Dorn was only a First Lieutenant.
{313} At first Van Dorn meditated moving into Missouri by the Pocahontas route, intermediate between the Mississippi route and that by the way of Springfield. He began assembling troops at Jacksonport, Ark., to move directly up through the Ozark Mountains. Then the isolated situation of Gen. Curtis's little army, with scattered detachments thrown out in every direction, tempted him to concentrate suddenly his forces and make the effort to cut off the outlying Union detachments and finally crush the main body. Therefore, he hastened to the Boston Mountains, sending messages to the scattered Confederates to meet him there, and was welcomed on a chilly, snowy March 3 with the Major-General's salute of 40 guns, which were heard by Gen. Curtis at Cross Hollow.
After driving Gen. Price off into the Boston Mountains and successfully flanking Gen. McCulloch out of his "Gibraltar" at Cross Hollow, Gen. Curtis prudently halted his army there to consider his next move. The line of Sugar Creek offered fine opportunities for defense, and from there he could hope to maintain his communications along the great road leading to Springfield and Holla. Not having been able to force either McCulloch or Price to a decisive battle in which he might destroy or at least cripple them, it did not seem discreet to venture further forward where every step made them stronger and him weaker.
Halleck had relied upon Gen. Hunter sending down a flanking column from Leavenworth by the way of Fort Scott, but this had not materialized, owing to the disputes between Gens. Hunter and Jas. H. Lane. Thus 5,000 men who should have been effectively employed, either in menacing Van Dorn's flank or increasing Curtis's strength, were held idly, at Leavenworth.
[Transcriber's Note: The print copy has a two page error in numbering.]
{316} Halleck had also relied upon the effect of Gen. Grant's startling victory at Fort Donelson, which shattered the first Confederate line, to withdraw a large portion of the forces west of the Mississippi, and relieve pressure upon Curtis. Nor had this at that time resulted. Though the general Confederate the roads leading northward crossed Sugar Greek, and several of them came together some two or three miles north of a country hostelry known as Elkhorn Tavern on the main road to Springfield, at the northeastern end of Pea Ridge.
At 2 p. m., March 4, Gen. Curtis was at Gross Hollow with Col. Carr's Fourth Division. The extreme left of his army was Col. Wm. Vandever, of the 9th Iowa, at War Eagle Mills, near White River, 42 miles to the southeast. The extreme right-the First and Second Divisions, under Gen. Franz Sigel-was at Cooper's Farm, four miles in front of Bentonville and 14 miles to the southwest of Sugar Creek. The Third Division, under Col. Jefferson C. Davis, had moved back to the line selected in rear of Sugar Creek, where Col. Bussey with his regiment was in camp.
By 2 o'clock scouts and fugitives had convinced Gen. Curtis that Van Dorn had concentrated his forces, and was in rapid march upon him, only a few miles away. He sent orders by swift riders to all his outlying parties to march at once to the designated rendezvous at Sugar Creek, and started back himself with Carr's Division, arriving on the crest about 2 a. m. of March 5, and immediately setting his men to work preparing for the battle. Col. Dodge worked until midnight blockading with fallen trees the road from Bentonville to Springfield west of Leetown.
{317} In spite of their wide dispersion, Gen. Van Dorn brought McCulloch's, Pike's and Price's forces together with great rapidity. How many fighting men he was able to assemble is a question. Gen. Curtis gravely estimated it at 30,000. Gen. Van Dorn in his reports after the battle, when he was putting the best face upon matters, stated his force at one time at 16,000 men, and again at "less than 14,000."
Probably if we follow an old arithmetical device, adding Curtis's overstatement and Van Dom's understatement together and dividing the sum by two-the number of statements-we may get somewhat near the truth. This would give Van Dorn 22,000 men. Students since the war have arrived at the conclusion that he actually had 26,000 men.
Analysis of the various reports points to this being nearly correct.
Feb. 24-nine days before the battle-Van Dorn reported to Albert Sidney Johnston that with the combined forces of McCulloch, Pike and Price, he would "be able to take about 26,000 men into battle."
The best organized and drilled troops west of the Mississippi were McCulloch's. March 2 he reported his "effective total" to be 8,384 men, with 18 cannon. He received some accessions after that, raising his whole force to nearly 10,000 men.
His division was organized as follows: FIRST BRIGADE.
Col. James Mcintosh commanding:-1st Ark. M. R., Col. T. J. Churchill; 2d Ark. M. R., Col. James Mcintosh; 4th (9th) Tex. Cav., Col. W. B. Sims; 6th Tex. Cav., Col. B. W. Stone; South Kansas-Texas Regiment, Col. E. Greer; Lamar Cav., Capt. H. S. Bennett.
SECOND BRIGADE.
Col. Louis Hebert commanding-4th Ark., Col. E. McNair; 14th Ark., Col. M. C. Mitchell; 16th Ark., Col. Hill, 17th Ark., Col. Frank Rector; 21st Ark., Col. D. McRae; 1st Ark. Battery, Maj. W. H. Brooks; 3d La., Col. Louis Hebert; Tex. Cav., Col. W. C. Young; Tex. M. R., Maj. J. W. Whitfield; Art. Bat. (four companies), Capt. W. R. Bradfute.
{318} Nothing definite can be ascertained as to Albert Pike's force. A short time before the battle he wrote confidently about having 10,000 men. The force he actually brought up is generally stated at 6,000, two of the regiments being white.
The following extract from Gen. Sterling Price's report of March 22-eight days after the battle-gives us the best obtainable idea of the strength and organization of his force: My forces consisted of the First Brigade, Missouri Volunteers, Col. Henry Little commanding; the Second Brigade, Brg.-Gen. Slack commanding; a battalion of cavalry, under command of Lieut.-Col. Cearnal, and the State troops, under the command of Brig.-Gens. Rains, Green, and Frost, Cols. John B. Clark, Jr., and James P. Saunders, and Maj. Lindsay; numbering in all 6,818 men, with eight batteries of light artillery.
Price, most probably, did not differ from other beaten commanders in minimizing his force to the utmost, so that it is entirely reasonable to assume that he had 2,000 or 3,000 more than he reported. Probably he and Van Dorn excluded from their fighting strength thousands, like Pike's In-lians, who proved themselves worthless in the actual shock of battle.
Therefore we have the following aggregate of minimum strength: McCulloch...................................... 10,000
Pike........................................... 6,000
Price.......................................... 9,000
26,000 It seems, therefore, entirely fair to say that Van Dorn had at least double Curtis's 10,000 when he left Cove Greek on the morning of March 4, with three days' cooked rations in his men's haversacks, and the intention of destroying the invaders and recovering the State of Missouri.
{319} Both sides were keenly eager for battle. The Confederates had been harangued with stories of great victories in the East, which they were to emulate; the Indians were fierce for scalps and plunder; the Missourians burning to march back to their homes m triumph.
On the other hand, Curtis's men, weary of interminable marching and skirmishing, longed to deliver a decisive blow which would end all.
Van Dorn's plan of battle was well-conceived, and if his immense preponderance of force had been adequately handled it would have won a crushing victory.
McCulloch, during his long stay at Cross Hollow, had familiarized himself with the ground, and Price was also well acquainted with it. In the conference held in Gen. Van Dorn's tent it was decided not to attack in front, where Gen. Curtis had prepared, and where he had in addition to his obstructions the advantage of the steep side of the ridge. Instead, a movement would be made on Bentonville, to the southwest of Curtis, where it was hoped to catch Sigel and destroy him before he could receive assistance, then destroy Curtis before Vandever's Brigade could reach him from Huntsville. Pike's Indians were to follow McCulloch's Division, and when Curtis was beaten the wild Indian riders would be let loose to exterminate the fugitives.
{320} Sigel, with his usual indifference to orders, did not immediately obey Curtis's command to abandon his camp four miles west of Bentonville and move back to Sugar Creek. Instead he deferred starting his troops from Cooper's Farm until 2 o'clock of the morning of the 6th, and stopped himself with a small force at Bentonville while his troops and train were passing through the town, and he was attacked about 11 o'clock. Van Dorn reports that it was 11 o'clock before he could get the head of his column to Ben-tonville, and "we had the mortification of seeing Sigel's Division, 7,000 strong, leaving it as we entered. Had we been an hour sooner we should have cut him right off with his whole force, and certainly have beaten the enemy the next day."
Sigel had kept back about 600 men. His troops were part of the 12th Mo. and seven companies of cavalry, besides five field guns. They were resting with stacked arms when the rebel cavalry swarmed in upon the town from various directions. Sigel was able, however, to get his men together and march out of town to cover of some woods, where his artillery drove back the Confederates, who charged them, and the retreat was resumed.