Wretyn at Yermouth, in hast, this Saterday, the xj. day of July.
Be your owyn, the Balyffes of Yermouth, with our Brethern and Comons of the same Town.
[Footnote 153-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter refers to the attempt of Perkin Warbeck at Deal, where a number of his followers landed on the 3rd July 1495, and were all either killed or taken prisoners by the people.]
ROBERT CROWMER TO SIR JOHN PASTON[154-1]
_To my right especyall and syngler good maister, Ser John Paston, Knyght, this letter be delyvered._
[Sidenote: 1495 / JULY 12]
Wurchipful ser, I recomaund me on to you. Maister Balyffes, with alle myn Maisteris of the town of Yermouth, thankith you hartilly, and trustyng feythfully of your ayde and comford at neede; and if any suche cause happith with us, they woll feythfully send you word in all the hast possyble, up on the syght of the shippis.
Ser, ferdermor, ther is a ship of our town come hom from Seint John of Amyas, and he seyth that on Seint Thomas Day[154-2] ther came to Seint Wallrens,[154-3] in Normandie, an hoye of Dorderyght, with viij. horsis, with many saddilles and brydilles; ther in wer viij. or ix. Englysh men, the wiche toke the shippes boot, and went on lond at Staplis,[154-4] and arn renne a wey up in to the cuntre. And the Admiralles Depewty sesonyd the ship and hors, and all that they found ther in, to the Kyng our soverayn Lordes behooff; and the Duche men were leyde in pryson. This is a mater of trowth, for William Carre of our town, maryner, and oder of our town, see this doon in deed. And as for the shippes with the Kynges rebellars, they be furth out of Cambyr[155-1] westwards; whyder they be, thei can not sey, but the Duche men seid to William Carre that they trustid on one man shuld help them with many men. Thes is suche tydynges as the Amyas men brout hom.
Ser, if it woll please your maistership that ye myght have leyser, I desyre and pray you to come sporte you, and to see how weell we have appareld and furnyshid our town, I wold be right gladd, and I trust to Almyghty God that it wold please your maistership right weell, and with your betyr advyce we woll doo more to our power, that knowith God, the wiche Lord preserve you.
Wretyn at Yermouth, on Relyk Sonday.[155-2]
By your servaunt,
[Footnote 154-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] This letter refers to the dispersion of Warbeck's fleet after the attempt at Deal. It would appear, as Fenn remarks, that on receipt of the preceding letter Sir John had promised aid to the town of Yarmouth, for which promise they here return thanks. The handwriting of this letter is the same as that of the last.]
[Footnote 154-2: The Feast of the Translation of St. Thomas Apostle, 3rd July.]
[Footnote 154-3: _Qu._ St. Vallery?]
[Footnote 154-4: Etaples.]
[Footnote 155-1: The point called the Camber, near Rye.]
[Footnote 155-2: Relic Sunday is the third Sunday after Midsummer Day, and fell on the 12th July in 1495.]
ELIZABETH, DUCHESS OF NORFOLK, TO SIR WILLIAM KNIVET AND OTHERS[155-3]
_To my ryght entyerly and welbelovid frendes, Sire William Knevette, Sire John Paston, Sire Robert Clere, Knyghtes, the Kynges Attorney, Phelippe Calthorpe, Richard Suthwell, Squyers, and to yche of theym._
ELIZABETH, DUCHESSE OF NORFFOLK.
[Sidenote: 1495 / SEPT. 14]
Right entyerly welbelovyd frendys, I comaunde me to you. And for as moche as I understande that Sire Harry Grey, that is the verry owner and possessioner of the maner of Ketryngham, is nowe in gret age, and as it is seide, of right seekely disposicion, and that after his deceasse the right and title therof shall of right belonge to my right welbelovid servaunt Thomas Martyn, and his nevewe and heyre of blood, and his eyre therof by reason of entaylys:--What the seid Sire Harry entendith to do therin, I knowe not, but it rennyth in reporte, that he is in purpose to disherite the seid Thomas Martyn therof, contrary to all right and good conscience. In eschuenge wherof, I desire and pray you as hertely as I can, that it wull leeke you to be so good maistyrs to the seid Thomas as, by your wisdams and discrecion, the seid Sire Harry, by you or some of you, may be moved of conscience and of kyndenesse to his blood to have regard to the seid right, and not to do eny thyng that shuld be disheryson to his seid nevewe, and to have the more tender consideracion to your mocion, for that the seid Thomas is to dyverse of you of kynne and aliaunce, and to many other gentilmen within the shere in leeke cas.
And for the consideracion that I have, that the seid Sire Harry and Thomas his nevewe, were of my lordes nere blode, whoes soule Jesu pardon and assoyle, it were to gret a pete to see hym by disheryson to falle to penury and poverte, wher by your good exortacion in consideracion of the premissis, and mo odir by your wisdamys to be remembred, in the lif of the seid Sire Harry suche inconveniences may be better remadyed; wherin ye shall not only do an almas dede, and a gret pleasir to God, but also to me for that blodes sake a singuler pleasir, and cause me heraftir therather to considir thynge that shall concerne your resonabill pleasir, with Goddes grace, Who ever kepe you.
At Erle Soham, this xiiij^ne day of Septembyr.
[Footnote 155-3: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] The writer of this letter was the widow of John Mowbray, the last Duke of Norfolk of that name, who died in 1475. She survived her husband many years, and Fenn says, though I know not on what authority, that she was alive in 1496. Sir Harry Grey, it appears, made his will on the 28th September 1492 (Blomefield, v. 93), and one might imagine this letter was written in the same month and year. The inquisition upon his death, however, was only taken on the 26th October, 12 Hen. VII. (1496), and it does not state the day on which he died. The jurors found Thomas Martyn, who was then thirty years old and over, to be his kinsman and next heir, but that Ketteringham Hall was devised to the use of his wife Jane and of others after her death. It is certain, moreover, that this letter could not have been written before the year 1495 when Sir Robert Clere was knighted; and that is probably the very year, as Sir Harry Grey was dead at least in October 1496, and most likely a month or two earlier.]
WILLIAM PASTON TO SIR JOHN PASTON[157-1]
_To my most special good father, Ser John Paston, Knyght._
[Sidenote: About 1495(?)]
After most humbyl wyse of recommandacion, in my most lovyngly wyse, I beseche yow of your dayly blyssyng, showyng yow that I am at Ser John Fortescu place, be cause they swet so sor at Cambryge. Also I shew yow that Mr. Thomas Clark ys desessyd, hows sowle God have mercy.
Also, I beseche yow that ye wol se a remedy for the comun of Snaylwel, for the Bayly of Snaylwel and on of your fermors war with my tutor and me, and sheuyd me that all the comun shuld a be takyn away butt for Mr.
Cotton and the Vecur of Fordan,[157-2] hom I beseche yow to thank. Fro Pamsborow.[157-3]
Be your most humbyl servaunt,
[Footnote 157-1: [From Paston MSS., B.M.] Fenn says, I cannot tell on what grounds, that this letter must have been written between 1491 and 1495. At the earlier of these dates the writer could not have been more than twelve years old, but as lads were sent to the university at a much earlier age in those days than in ours, even the earlier of these dates is not impossible. The style of the letter, however, is not boyish, and I should have been inclined to place it a year or two later even than Fenn's latest date, but that there is no clear evidence to go by. The sweating sickness was prevalent in England at different times during the reign of Henry VII.; and there is no particular record of its visiting Cambridge.]
[Footnote 157-2: Fordham in Cambridgeshire, north of Newmarket.
Snailwell lies between.]
[Footnote 157-3: Punsborne, near Hatfield, in Hertfordshire.]
MARGARET, COUNTESS OF RICHMOND, TO ----[158-1]
BY THE KYNGES MODER.
[Sidenote: Between 1497 and 1503]
Trusty and right welbeloved, we greet you well. And wher by the meanes of our trusty and right welbeloved Sir Reynold Bray, Sir Thomas Lovell, and Sir Henry Heydon, Knights, there was a full agreement made and concluded, and also put in writinge, betwen our trusty and right welbeloved Sir John Savile, Knight, and Gilbert Talbot, Esquier, on th'one partie, and yow on th'other, for divers lands which they ought to have in the right of their wives, daughters and heyers to William Paston, Esquier, their late fader deceassed, which lands ye by mighty power kepe and withholde from them without any just title, as they afferme; and albeit the said agrement was made by your minde and consent, yet ye ne doe performe the same, to our merveile, if it be so.
Wherefore we desier and also counsell yow without delay upon the sight hereof now shortly to ride to the court to the said arbitrators, now ther being, with whom ye shall finde your adverse partie, or other in their names fully authorized, to abide such final ende and conclusion in the premisses as shall be consonant with the said agrement, without further troubles or busines therin hereafter to be had; and that ye will thus do in any wise, so as we be not driven (through your defalte) to put to our hands for further remedye to be had in the premisses.
Yeven under our signet at our manner of Colly Weston, the x^th day of February.
[Footnote 158-1: [From Sandford's _Paston Genealogy_.] William Paston, the uncle of the two Sir Johns, died in 1496, and this letter must have been written either in the year following or between that date and 1503, when Sir Reginald Bray died. William Paston's will, which will be found in the Appendix, was dated 7th September 1496, and proved on the 28th November following. He married Anne Beaufort, daughter of Edmond, Duke of Somerset, and was therefore uncle to the writer of this letter, Margaret, Countess of Richmond, the mother of King Henry VII. The person to whom the letter is addressed is not named, but it is not unlikely to have been Sir John Paston the second.]