[457] Noldeke, "Tabari," s. 353. Xenophon's statements about the residences in the "Anabasis" (_loc. cit._) cannot be outweighed by the systematized arrangement in the "Cyropaedia" that Cyrus spent three months at Susa, two at Ecbatana, and seven months at Babylon, which Plutarch ("De Exilio," c. 12) repeats in the form, that the Persian kings passed the spring at Susa, the summer in Media, and the winter in Babylon. With Aeschylus and Herodotus Susa is a fixed residence, and so also in the treatise "De Mundo," p. 398, and the Hebrews, _e.g._ Nehemiah i. 1. Joseph. "Antiq." 10, 11, 7. Athenaeus, p. 513, thinks that Persepolis was the residence for the autumn. In the winter of the year 396-395 Conon finds Artaxerxes II. at Babylon; the same king says in Plutarch ("Artax." c. 19) to Parysatis, that he will never see Babylon as long as she lives.
[458] Plut. "Artax." c. 5.
[459] Diod. 17, 77.
[460] Aeschyl. "Pers." 660.
[461] Plut. "Artax." c. 26.
[462] Diod. 17, 77; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 3, 13.
[463] Plutarch ("Artax." c. 24) maintains, it is true, that this is the value of the garments which the king habitually wore. Arrian treats of this subject, "Anab." 4, 7, and Curtius, 3, 3, 17-19; 6, 6, 4. With respect to the royal colours, cf. Esther i. 6.
[464] Phan. Eres. Fragm. 9, ed. Muller; Plut. "Artax." c. 20, 23; Strabo, p. 525.
[465] Esther iv. 11. Cf. Herod. 3, 118, 119.
[466] Heracl. Cum. fragm. 1, ed. Muller; Esther v. 4.
[467] Herod. 1, 134; Strabo, p. 734.
[468] Arrian, "Anab." 4, 11.
[469] Xenoph. "Hellen." 2, 1; 8.
[470] Herod. 7, 54; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 1, 23, 24, with the addition that this was the custom in his day. Plut. "Ad princ. ineruditum," 3.
[471] Plutarch, "Artax." c. 5; "Conjug. praecepta," c. 16; "Quaest.
Conviv." 1, 3, 1.
[472] Heracl. Cum. fragm. 2; Xenoph. "Hellen." 4, 1, 30.
[473] "Cyri Inst." 8, 4, 2, 3.
[474] Suidas, [Greek: Edeatros].
[475] "Cyri Inst." 5, 2, 17.
[476] Plut. "Quaest. Conviv." 7, 4, 5.
[477] Athenaeus, p. 145. Above, p. 352.
[478] Plut. "Quaest. Conviv." 1, 1, 1; "Conjug. praecepta," 16.
[479] Heracl. Cum. fragm. 2; Diod. 17, 77.
[480] Ctesias and Darius, in Athenaeus, p. 434.
[481] Herod. 9, 110, 111; Esther ii. 18.
[482] "Alcib. I." p. 121.
[483] Heracl. Cum. fragm. 1, ed. Muller.
[484] Xenoph. "Anab." 4, 4, 4.
[485] Herod. 7, 54; Curtius, 5, 1, 20.
[486] Herod. 7, 40, 41; 54, 55; Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 3, 5-10; Curtius, 3, 3, 21.
[487] Herod. 7, 2, 97; 8, 89. Herodotus (7, 68) calls Arsamenes the son of Darius, and (7, 69) Arsames the son of Darius and Artystone.
Artabazanes is called by Justin (2, 10) Artamenes.
[488] Herod. 7, 224; Justin, 2, 10.
[489] Diod. 17, 77; Athenaeus, p. 557.
[490] Esther ii. 7-17; v. 2; viii. 4.
[491] Deinon in Athenaeus, p. 557.
[492] Heracl. Cum. fragm. 1, ed. Muller; Plut. "Artax." c. 27.
[493] Plut. "Artax." 5.
[494] Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 7, 5, 58.
[495] Xenoph. "Cyri Inst." 8, 1, 9; 8, 8, 20; Plut. "Artax." c. 19; Nicol. Damasc. fragm. 66, ed. Muller. On the physicians, above, p. 134, 313.
[496] Herod. (1, 188) ascribes this custom to Cyrus, though the reference to Susa which he adds shows that it can only have come into existence after Susa became a residence.
[497] Demosth. "Symmor." p. 185.
[498] Athenaeus, p. 608.
CHAPTER XX.
RETROSPECT.
The arrangement which Darius had given to his vast empire allowed the character, laws, manners, and religion of the subject nations to remain as far as possible unchanged, and only interfered, exceptionally, in the hereditary local customs of the provinces. Adequate provision for the maintenance of the central government, the establishment of rapid combinations, care for the training of the generals and officers, ample and obvious rewards for service, a system of taxation far removed from extortion, regulations for the advancement of agriculture, development of the trade on the southern sea, or by land, since the caravans could pass unharmed and even protected from Miletus to Susa, from Cyrene to the Indus, seemed to give a solid foundation, an adequate support, and abiding power to the empire of Cyrus and Darius. Yet for the security and continuance of it, it was of the first importance, whether the national feeling of the subject peoples, in spite of or owing to the tolerance of the empire, was still sufficiently vigorous and strong to create in them the desire to rise from the subjection in which they were, to win back their independence, and develop their national existence; whether the controlling power of the ruling people was sufficient to maintain itself for a length of time over such wide regions; whether, in fine, the ruling house would preserve, amid the splendour of its new palaces, and the brilliance of extraordinary success, the vigour and force required to sustain the heavy task of administering the empire in the manner of Darius.
Under his sceptre the national civilizations of Asia which had hitherto been separated were united into a great whole. Beside the ancient civilization of Babylon stood the yet more ancient civilization of Egypt; beside the Lydians and Syrians, and the Hellenes of the Anatolian coast, stood the forms of life existing on the Indus, all united in equal rights; above these, and yet owing to the formation of this empire, side by side with them, was the characteristic civilization of the Bactrians, Medes, and Persians. The ancient communities of Egypt, Babylonia, and Phoenicia were able, it is true, to make attempts, and even stubborn attempts, at resistance, but they did not succeed in effecting a new departure. On the contrary, the various forms of civilization united together began by degrees to exercise a mutual influence, and each wore down the other. Only the religious feeling of that Syrian tribe, whose states had been crushed beneath the armies of the kings of Asshur and Babylon, remained free from this assimilation, and self-secluded; in the native soil, which Cyrus had once more allowed the exiles to occupy, they struck new and deeper roots, which promised the noblest fruits from the old sturdy stock.
The Persians, and especially the upper orders, could not remain uninfluenced by the privileged position of the ruling people and reigning class in such a wide empire, and by the pattern of the court.
The fruits of dominion flowed in upon them; their lives were opulent and full of enjoyment. The Greeks can tell us a great deal of the splendour and luxury of the Persians, which were introduced in the time of Darius and subsequently. They inform us that the Persians adopted a richer style of dress. Like the Indians, the Medes and the Persians after them delighted to adorn themselves; but according to the Greeks the Persians were even more anxious to give themselves a dignified and imposing appearance. They wore the loose dress of the Medes, in blue and red purple; they also followed the Medes in wearing chains, and armlets, and earrings of gold.[499] The hair and beard received careful attention. In summer the parasol-bearers were always at hand, in winter gloves were worn.[500] The houses were adorned with costly carpets; the Persians lay on beds with golden feet, and soft cushions; and on the tables of the higher classes glittered goblets, bowls, and pitchers of gold and silver. The servants were numerous, trained butlers, bakers, and cooks were kept.[501] The table of the Persians, as the Greeks tell us, presented but few kinds of farinaceous food, but whole animals were served up, and the dessert was plentiful and in various courses.[502]