IV. After Cato obtained the priesthood[661] of Apollo, he changed his residence, and taking his portion of his paternal property, which portion was a hundred and twenty talents, he contracted his style of living still further, and making his companion of Antipater[662] of Tyrus, a Stoic, he attached himself mainly to Ethical and Political studies, occupying himself with every virtue as if he were possessed by some divine influence; but above all that part of the beautiful which consists in steady adherence to justice and in inflexibility towards partiality or favour was his great delight. He disciplined himself also in the kind of speaking which works upon numbers, considering that, as in a great state, so in political philosophy, there should be nurtured with it something of the contentious quality.
Yet he did not practise his exercises in company with others, nor did any one hear him when he was declaiming; but to one of his companions who observed, "Men find fault, Cato, with your silence," he replied, "I only hope they may not find fault with my life. But I will begin to speak, when I am not going to say something that were better unsaid."
V. The Basilica[663] called Porcia was a censorial dedication of the old Cato. Now, as the tribunes were accustomed to transact business here, and there was a pillar which was considered to be in the way of their seats, they resolved to take it away or to remove it to another spot. This was the first occasion that brought Cato into the Forum, and against his will; for he opposed the tribunes, and he gained admiration by this sample of his eloquence and elevated character. His speech contained nothing juvenile or artificial, but it was straightforward, full to overflowing, and rough. However there was diffused over the roughness of the sentiments a charm which led the ear, and his own character intermingled with it gave to the dignity of his address a certain pleasingness and placidity, that were not ill calculated to win men's favour. His voice was loud and powerful enough to reach to so large a multitude, and it had a strength and tone which could neither be broken nor tired; for he often spoke for a whole day without being wearied. On this occasion he got the better in the matter in dispute, and then again wrapped himself up in silence and his discipline. He used to harden his body by vigorous exercises, training himself to endure both heat and snow with uncovered head, and to walk along the roads in all seasons without a vehicle. His friends who used to accompany him on his journeys employed horses, and Cato would often go side by side with each of them in turns, and talk to them, himself walking while they rode. He showed in his complaints also wonderful endurance and self-denial; for when he had a fever, he would spend the day quite alone without permitting any person to approach him, until he felt certain relief, and that the disease was going away.
VI. At entertainments he used to cast lots for the parts, and if he failed, and his friends urged him to begin first, he would say that it was not right to do so against the will of Venus.[664] And at first he would get up from supper after drinking once, but in course of time he stuck to drinking more than anybody, so that he often continued over his wine till daybreak. His friends said that the cause of this was the administration and public affairs, in which Cato being engaged all day and hindered from literary pursuits, associated with philosophers during the night and over his cups. Accordingly when one Memmius[665] observed in company that Cato was intoxicated all night long, Cicero rejoined, "But you do not say that he also plays at dice all day long." Altogether Cato thought that he ought to walk a course the opposite to the then modes of life and usages, which he considered to be bad and to require a great change, and observing that a purple dress of a deep bright was much in fashion, he himself wore the dark.
He would go into public without shoes and tunic after dinner, not seeking for reputation by the strangeness of the practice, but habituating himself to be ashamed only of what was shameful, and to despise everything else as indifferent. The inheritance of his cousin Cato of the value of a hundred talents having been added to his property, he turned it into money and let any of his friends make use of it who needed, without paying interest. Some also pledged to the treasury both lands and slaves of his, which Cato himself offered for this purpose and confirmed the pledge.
VII. When he considered that he was ripe for marriage, without ever having had to do with any woman, he betrothed Lepida, who had before been promised in marriage to Scipio Metellus,[666] but at that time was disengaged, for Scipio had repudiated her, and the betrothment was cancelled. However before the marriage Scipio again changed his mind, and by using every exertion got the maid. Cato, who was greatly irritated and stung, made preparation to prosecute the matter in legal form, but on his friends preventing him, in his passion and youthful fervour he betook himself to iambic verses and vented much injurious language upon Scipio, employing the bitterness of Archilochus,[667]
but dropping his ungoverned licence and childish manner. He married Atilia,[668] the daughter of Soranus, and this was the first woman with whom he came together, but not the only woman, like Laelius[669]
the companion of Scipio; for Laelius was more fortunate in having known during his long life only one woman and that his wife.
VIII. When the Servile War[670] was on foot, which they called the war of Spartacus, Gellius was commander, but Cato joined the service as a volunteer for his brother's sake, for his brother Caepio was a tribune.
He had not indeed the opportunity of displaying as much as he wished his zeal and his discipline in virtue owing to the war being ill conducted; but notwithstanding this, by showing, in contrast to the great effeminacy and luxury of those who were engaged in that campaign, orderly behaviour and bravery when it was required, and courage and prudence in all things, he was considered in no degree to fall short of the old Cato. Gellius assigned to him special distinctions and honours, which Cato would not take nor allow, saying that he had done nothing worthy of honour. In consequence of this he was considered a strange kind of fellow; and when a law was made, that those who were candidates for an office should not be accompanied by nomenclators,[671] he was the only person when a candidate for a tribuneship who observed the law; and having himself made it his business to salute and address those whom he met with, he did not escape censure even from those who praised him, for the more they perceived the honourable nature of his conduct, the more they were annoyed at the difficulty of imitating it.
IX. Upon being appointed a tribune he was sent to Macedonia to Rubrius the Praetor. On that occasion it is told that his wife being troubled and shedding tears, one of the friends of Cato, Munatius, said, "Atilia, be of good cheer; I will take care of him for you." "It shall be so," replied Cato; and after they had advanced one day's journey, he said immediately after supper, "Come, Munatius, and keep your promise to Atilia by not separating yourself from me either by day or by night." Upon this he ordered two beds to be placed in the same chamber and Munatius always slept thus, being watched in jest by Cato.
There accompanied him fifteen slaves, and two freedmen and four friends, and while they rode on horseback, Cato himself always went on foot, keeping by the side of each of them in turns and talking with them. When he arrived at the camp, where there were several legions, being appointed to the command of one legion by the general, he considered the display of his own merit, being only one thing, as a small matter and nothing kingly, but being chiefly ambitious to make those who were under him like himself, he did not deprive his power of its terrors, but he added to it reason, by means of which persuading and instructing his men about every thing--honour and punishment following; whether he made his soldiers more peaceable or warlike or more full of zeal or just, it is difficult to say, so formidable did they become to the enemy, and gentle to the allies, and so little disposed to wrong, and so ambitious of praise. But that which Cato cared least for, he had most of, both good opinion, and popularity, and honour above measure, and affection from the soldiers. For by voluntarily labouring at that which he imposed on others, and in his dress and way of living and marching on foot making himself like them rather than the commander, and in his morals and in his noble bearing, and in eloquence surpassing all who were intitled Imperators and generals, by such means he imperceptibly produced in the men at the same time good will towards himself. For no true emulation after virtue is bred except from perfect good will and respect towards him who commends it: but those who having no love, praise the brave, respect their character, though they admire not their virtue, nor do they imitate it.
X. Hearing that Athenodorus[672] named Kordylion, who had great skill in the Stoic philosophy, was living at Pergamus, being now an old man, and having most resolutely resisted all intimacy and friendship with governors and kings, Cato thought that he should get nothing by sending and writing to him, but as he had a furlough of two months allowed by the law, he made a voyage to Asia to the man, in the confidence that through his own merits he should not fail in the chase. After discoursing with Athenodorus and getting the victory over him and drawing him from his settled purpose, he returned with him to the camp, overjoyed and greatly elated at having made the noblest capture and got a more splendid booty than the nations and kingdoms which Pompeius at that time and Lucullus were subduing in their campaigns.
XI. While Cato was still engaged in the service, his brother, who was on his road to Asia, fell sick at aenus,[673] in Thrace; and a letter immediately came to Cato, and though the sea was very stormy, and there was no vessel at hand of sufficient size, taking only two friends with him and three slaves, he set sail from Thessalonike in a small trading ship. After narrowly escaping being drowned at sea, he was saved by unexpected good luck, but he found Caepio already dead. He was considered to have borne the misfortune with more of passion than philosophy, not only in his lamentations and his embracings of the dead body and the heaviness of his grief, but also in his expenditure about the interment, and the trouble that he took about fragrant spices and costly vests which were burnt with the body, and a monument of polished Thasian stone of the cost of eight talents which was constructed in the Agora of aenus. These things there were some who found fault with by comparison with Cato's freedom from all display in other matters, not seeing how much mildness and affection there was in the man who was inflexible and firm against pleasures and fears and shameless entreaties. For the celebration of the funeral both cities and princes offered to send him many things to do honour to the dead, from none of whom however would he receive valuables, but he accepted fragrant spices and vests, paying the price to those who sent the things. Though the succession came to him and the young daughter of Caepio, he did not claim back in the division of the property any thing that he had expended about the funeral. And though he did such things as these and continued to do such, there was one[674] who wrote, that he passed the ashes of the dead through a sieve and sifted them to search for the gold that was burnt. So far did the writer allow, not to his sword only, but also to his stilus, irresponsibility and exemption from all account.
XII. When the time of Cato's service was at an end, he was attended on his departure, not with good wishes, which is usual, nor yet with praises, but with tears and never-satisfied embraces, the soldiers placing their garments under his feet on the way by which he went and kissing his hands, which the Romans of that day hardly ever did to any of their Imperators. As he wished, before engaging in public affairs, at the same time to travel about to make himself acquainted with Asia, and to see with his own eyes the customs and mode of living and power of each province, and at the same time not to give any offence to the Galatian Deiotarus,[675] who prayed Cato to come to him on account of the ancient ties of hospitality and friendship that subsisted between him and Cato's family, he made his sojourning after this fashion. At daybreak he used to send forward his bread-maker and cook to the place where he intended to lodge; and it was their practice to enter the city with great decorum and no stir, and if there happened to be no ancient friend of Cato's family there or no acquaintance, they would prepare for his reception in an inn without troubling anybody; and if there was no inn, they would in that case apply to the magistrates and gladly accept what accommodation was offered. And oftentimes getting no credit, and being neglected because they did not apply to the magistrates about these matters with noise or threats, Cato came upon them before they had accomplished their business, and when he was seen, he was still more despised; and because he would sit silently on the baggage, he gave them the notion of being a person of mean condition and a very timid man. However Cato would call them to him, and would say, "Ye miserable wretches, lay aside this inhospitable practice. All those who come to you will not be Catos. Dull by your kind reception the power of those who only want a pretext to take by force what they cannot get from you with your consent."
XIII. In Syria[676] a laughable incident is said to have happened to him. For as he was walking to Antiocheia, he saw near the gates on the outside a number of men arranged on each side of the road, among whom young men by themselves in cloaks and boys on the other side stood in orderly wise, and some had white vests and crowns, and these were priests of the gods or magistrates. Now Cato, being quite sure that some honourable reception was preparing for him by the city, was angry with those of his own people who had been sent on, for not having prevented this, and he bade his friends get off their horses and he proceeded with them on foot. But when they came near, he who was arranging all this ceremony and setting the folk in order, a man somewhat advanced in years, holding a rod in his hand and a chaplet, advanced in front of the rest, and meeting Cato, without even saluting him, asked where they had left Demetrius and when he would be there.
Demetrius had been a slave of Pompeius, but at this time, as all the world, so to speak, had their eyes on Pompeius, Demetrius was courted above his merits on account of his great influence with Pompeius. Now the friends of Cato were seized with such a fit of laughter that they could not contain themselves as they walked through the crowd, but Cato, who at the time was vehemently disconcerted, uttered the words, "O ill-fated city," and nothing more; afterwards however he was accustomed to laugh at the matter himself both when he told the story and when he thought of it.
XIV. However Pompeius himself reproved those who thus misbehaved themselves towards Cato in their ignorance. For when Cato on his arrival at Ephesus went to pay his respects to Pompeius as his elder, and much his superior in reputation and then at the head of the greatest armies, Pompeius observing him did not wait or allow Cato to approach him as he was seated, but springing up as to a man of superior rank, he met him and gave him his right hand. And Pompeius passed many encomiums on the merit of Cato while treating him as a friend and showing him attention during his stay, and still more when he had departed, so that all persons being admonished and now directing their observation to Cato admired him for the things for which he was despised, and studied his mildness and magnanimity. Yet it did not escape notice that the great attention of Pompeius to him proceeded more from respect than from love, and people discerned that Pompeius honoured him while he was present, and was glad when he went away. For the other young men who came to him, he was ambitious to keep with him, and he wished them to stay, but he asked of Cato nothing of the kind, and as if he were not commander with irresponsible power while Cato was there, he was glad to get rid of him; and yet he was almost the only person among those who were sailing to Rome to whom Pompeius commended his children and wife, who however were connected with Cato by kinship. In consequence of this there was high regard and great exertion and emulation in the cities towards Cato, and suppers and invitations, wherein Cato bade his friends keep a watch upon him, lest he should unawares make good what Curio[677] had said. For Curio, who was annoyed at the austerity of Cato, who was his friend and intimate, asked him if he should like to visit Asia after he had served his time in the army. And on Cato saying that he should like it very much, "You say well," replied Curio, "for you will be more agreeable when you return thence, and tamer," using some such words as these.
XV. Deiotarus the Galatian, who was now an old man, sent for Cato, wishing to intrust to him his children and his family; and on his arrival he offered him all manner of presents, and tried and entreated him in every way till he so irritated Cato, that after arriving in the evening and staying all night, he set off on the following day about the third hour. However when he had advanced one day's journey, he found in Possinus[678] more presents than before awaiting him there, and letters from the Galatian begging him to receive them; and if he should not be disposed to take them, to let his friends at least receive favours on his account, as they well deserved it, and Cato had not much of his own. But Cato did not give in even to these arguments, though he saw that some of his friends were beginning to be softened and were inclined to blame him; but observing that all receiving of gifts might find a good excuse, and his friends should share in all that he got honourably and justly, he sent back the presents to Deiotarus. As he was about to set sail to Brundisium, his friends thought that they ought to put the ashes of Caepio in another vessel, but Cato, saying that he would rather part with his life than the ashes of his brother, set sail. And indeed it is said that it chanced that he had a very dangerous passage, though the rest got to Brundisium with little difficulty.
XVI. On his return to Rome he spent his time either at home in the company of Athenodorus, or in the Forum assisting his friends. Though the office of Quaestor[679] was now open to him, he did not become a candidate for it till he had read the laws relating to the quaestorship, and had learned all particulars from the experienced, and had comprehended the powers of the office in a certain shape.
Accordingly as soon as he was established in the office, he made a great change in the servants and clerks about the treasury, for as they constantly had in hand the public accounts and the laws, and had young superiors who, by reason of their inexperience and ignorance, in fact required others to teach and direct them, they did not allow their superiors to have any power, but were the superior officers themselves, until Cato vigorously applied himself to the business, not having the name only and the honour of a magistrate, but understanding and judgment and apt expression; and he resolved to make the clerks into servants as they really were, in some things detecting their evil doings, and in others correcting their errors which arose from inexperience. But as the clerks were insolent, and attempted to ingratiate themselves with and to flatter the other quaestors, and resisted him, he expelled from the treasury the first among them whom he had detected in knavish dealings in a matter of trust concerning an inheritance, and he brought another to trial for dishonesty. This second person Catulus Lutatius[680] the censor came forward to defend, a man who had great dignity from his office, and the greatest from his merit, being considered superior to all the Romans in integrity and temperance; and he was also an admirer and intimate friend of Cato all through his life. Now, when Catulus found that the justice of the case was against him and openly asked to have the man acquitted for his sake, Cato would not allow him to act so: and when he still continued to urge his request, Cato said, "It were a scandalous thing, Catulus, for you, who are the censor, and whose duty it is to examine into our lives, to be turned out[681] by our officers." When Cato had uttered these words, Catulus looked at him as if he were going to reply, but he said nothing, and either being angry or ashamed he went away in silence and perplexed. However the man was not convicted, for when the votes for condemnation had exceeded those for acquittal by a single vote, and Lollius Marcus, one of the colleagues of Cato, owing to sickness had not attended at the trial, Catulus sent to him and prayed him to give his support to the man; and he was carried thither in a litter after the trial and gave the vote which acquitted. However Cato did not employ the clerk nor give him his pay, nor did he take any reckoning at all of the vote of Lollius.
XVII. Having thus humbled the clerks and reduced them to obedience, by managing the accounts in his own way, he made the treasury in a short time more respected than the Senate, so that every body said and considered that Cato had surrounded the quaestorship with the dignity of the consulship. For in the first place finding that many persons owed old debts to the state and that the state was indebted to many, he at the same time put an end to the state being wronged and wronging others, by demanding the money from those who owed it vigorously and without relenting at all, and paying the creditors speedily and readily, so that the people respected him when they saw those pay who expected to defraud the state, and those recover who never expected it. In the next place, it was the general practice to bring in writings without observing the proper forms, and previous quaestors used to receive false decrees to please persons, and at their request.
Cato however let nothing of this kind escape his notice, and on one occasion being in doubt about a decree, whether it was really ratified, though many persons testified to the fact, he would not trust them, nor did he allow it to be deposited until the consuls came and by oath confirmed its genuineness. Now there were many whom Sulla had rewarded for killing proscribed persons at the rate of twelve thousand drachmae apiece, and though all detested them as accursed and abominable wretches, no one ventured to bring them to punishment; but Cato, calling to account every man who had public money by unfair means, made him give it up and at the same time upbraided him for his unholy and illegal acts with passion and argument. Those whom this befel were immediately charged with murder and were brought before the judices in a manner prejudged, and were punished, to the joy of all who considered that the tyranny of those former times was at the same time blotted out and that they witnessed Sulla himself punished.
XVIII. The many were captivated by his persevering and unwearied industry: for none of his colleagues went up earlier to the treasury or came away after him. He never omitted attending any meeting of the people and of the Senate, for he feared and kept a watch on those who were ready to vote for remissions of debts and taxes and for gifts in favour of any body. By proving that the treasury was inaccessible and free from intrigues, and full of money, he showed that they could be rich without doing wrong. Though at first he appeared to be disliked by and odious to some of his colleagues, he afterwards gained their good-will by subjecting himself on behalf of them all to the hatred that was incurred by not giving away the public money and by not deciding dishonestly, and by furnishing them with an answer to those who preferred their requests and urged them, that nothing could be done if Cato did not consent. On the last day of his office when he had been accompanied to his house by almost all the citizens, he heard that many who were intimate with Marcellus,[682] and men of influence, had fallen upon him at the treasury and having got round him were forcing him to sign a certain payment of money that was due. Marcellus from his boyhood had been a friend of Cato and together with him had been a most excellent magistrate, but by himself he was easily led by others through false shame, and was ready to oblige any body.
Accordingly Cato immediately returned to the treasury, and finding that Marcellus had been prevailed upon to sign the payment asked for the tablets and erased what was written, while Marcellus stood by and said not a word. Having done this Cato conducted him down from the treasury and put him in his house; and Marcellus neither then nor afterwards found fault with Cato, but continued on intimate terms with him all along. Nor did Cato when he had quitted the treasury leave it destitute of protection, but slaves of his were there daily who copied out the transactions, and he himself purchased for five talents books which contained the public accounts from the times of Sulla to his own quaestorship, and he always had them in his hands.
XIX. He used to go into the Senate house the first, and he was the last to come away; and often while the rest were slowly assembling, he would sit and read quietly, holding his toga before the book. He never went abroad when there was to be a meeting of the Senate; but afterwards when Pompeius saw that Cato could not be prevailed upon, and could never be brought to comply with the unjust measures on which he was intent, he used to contrive to engage him in giving his aid to some friend in a matter before the courts, or in arbitrations, or in discharging some business. But Cato quickly perceiving his design, refused all such engagements and made it a rule to do nothing else while the Senate was assembled. For it was neither for the sake of reputation, nor self-aggrandisement, nor by a kind of spontaneous movement, nor by chance, like some others, that he was thrown into the management of state affairs, but he selected a public career as the proper labour of a good man, and thought that he ought to attend to public concerns more than the bee to its cells, inasmuch as he made it his business to have the affairs of the provinces and decrees and trials and the most important measures communicated to him by his connections and friends in every place. On one occasion by opposing Clodius the demagogue, who was making a disturbance and laying the foundation for great charges, and calumniating to the people the priests and priestesses, among whom was also Fabia,[683] the sister of Terentia, Cicero's wife, he was in great danger, but he involved Clodius in disgrace and compelled him to withdraw from the city; and when Cicero thanked him, Cato said that he ought to reserve his gratitude for the state, as it was for the sake of the state that he did every thing and directed his political measures. In consequence of this there was a high opinion of him, so that an orator said to the judices on a certain trial when the evidence of a single person was produced, that it was not right to believe a single witness even if he was Cato; and many persons now were used to say when speaking of things incredible and contrary to all probability, as by way of proverb, that this could not be believed even if Cato said it. And when a man of bad character and great expense delivered a discourse in the senate in favour of frugality and temperance, Amnaeus[684] rose up and said, "My man, who will endure you, you who sup like Crassus, and build like Lucullus, and harangue us like Cato." Others also who were people of bad character and intemperate, but in their language dignified and severe, they used to call by way of mockery, Catos.
XX. Though many invited him to the tribuneship, he did not think it well to expend the power of a great office and magistracy, no more than that of a strong medicine, on matters wherein it was not required. At the same time as he had leisure from public affairs, he took books and philosophers with him and set out for Lucania, for he had lands there on which there was no unseemly residence. On the road he met with many beasts of burden and baggage and slaves, and learning that Nepos Metellus[685] was returning to Rome for the purpose of being a candidate for the tribuneship, he halted without speaking, and after a short interval ordered his people to turn back. His friends wondering at this, he said, "Don't you know that even of himself Metellus is a formidable man by reason of his violence; and now that he has come upon the motion of Pompeius, he will fall upon the state like a thunderbolt and put all in confusion? It is therefore not a time for leisure or going from home, but we must get the better of the man or die nobly in defence of liberty." However at the urgency of his friends he went first to visit his estates, and after staying no long time he returned to the city. He arrived in the evening, and as soon as day dawned, he went down into the Forum to be a candidate for the tribuneship and to oppose Metellus. For this magistracy gives more power to check than to act; and even if all the rest of the tribunes save one should assent to a measure, the power lies with him who does not consent or permit.
XXI. At first there were few of Cato's friends about him, but when his views became public, in a short time all the people of character and distinction crowded together and cheered and encouraged him, for they said it was no favour that he was receiving, but he was conferring the greatest favour on his country and the most honest of the citizens, for that when it was often in his power to hold a magistracy without any trouble, he now came down to contend on behalf of freedom and the constitution, not without danger. It is said that owing to many persons through zeal and friendly disposition crowding towards him he was in some danger, and with difficulty on account of the crowd he made his way to the Forum. Being elected tribune with others and with Metellus, and observing that the consular comitia were accompanied with bribery, he rated the people, and at the close of his speech he swore that he would prosecute the briber, whoever he might be, with the exception of Silanus,[686] on account of his connection with him; for Silanus had to wife Servilia, a sister of Cato. For this reason he passed over Silanus, but he prosecuted Lucius Murena,[687] on the charge of having secured his election with Silanus by bribery. There was a law according to which the accused had always the power to appoint a person to watch the accuser, in order that it might not be unknown what he was getting together and preparing to support the prosecution. Now he who was appointed by Murena to watch Cato used to accompany him and observe his conduct, and when he saw that Cato was doing nothing with unfair design or contrary to equity, but honourably and in a kindly spirit was going a simple and straightforward course towards the prosecution, he had such admiration of his noble bearing and morality that he would come up to Cato in the Forum, or go to his door and ask, whether he intended that day to attend to any matters that concerned the prosecution, and if he said that he did not, he would take his word and go away. When the trial came on, Cicero, who was then consul and one of the advocates of Murena, on account of Cato's connection with the Stoics, ridiculed and mocked these philosophers and their so-called paradoxes, and thus made the judices laugh. On which it is said that Cato, with a smile, observed to those who were present, "My friends, what a ridiculous consul we have."
Murena, who was acquitted, did not display towards Cato the temper of a bad or a foolish man, for in his consulship he used to ask his advice in the most important affairs, and all along in every other matter showed him respect and confidence. Cato's own conduct was the cause of this, for while he was severe and terrible on the judgment seat and in the Senate on behalf of justice, he was benevolent and friendly in all his social intercourse.
XXII. Before Cato entered on the tribuneship, during Cicero's consulship he supported his administration in many other difficulties, and he put the finishing stroke to the measures relating to Catiline,[688] which were the most important and glorious of all.
Catiline himself, who was designing to effect a pernicious and complete change in the Roman state, and was at the same time stirring up insurrection and war, being convicted by Cicero, fled from the city; but Lentulus and Cethegus and many others with them, who had taken up the conspiracy, upbraiding Catiline with cowardice and want of spirit in his designs, were plotting to destroy the city with fire, and to subvert the supremacy of Rome by the revolt of nations and by foreign wars. Their schemes having been discovered in the manner told in the Life of Cicero, he laid the matter before the Senate for their deliberation, whereupon Silanus, who spoke first, gave his opinion that the men ought to suffer the extreme punishment, and those who followed him spoke to the same effect, till it came to Caesar's turn. Caesar now rose, and as he was a powerful speaker and wished rather to increase all change and disturbance in the state than to allow it to be quenched, considering it as the stuff for his own designs to work upon, he urged many arguments of a persuasive and humane kind to the effect that the men ought not to be put to death without trial, and he advised that they should be confined in prison: and he wrought so great a change in the opinion of the Senate, who were afraid of the people, that even Silanus retracted what he had said, and affirmed that neither had he recommended that they should be put to death, but that they should be imprisoned; for to a Roman this was the extreme of punishment.
XXIII. Such had been the change, and all the Senators in a body had gone over to the milder and more humane proposal, when Cato rising to deliver his opinion, commenced his speech in anger and passion, abusing Silanus for changing his mind, and attacking Caesar, whom he charged with a design to overturn the State under a popular guise and pretext of humanity, and with making the Senate alarmed at things at which he himself ought to be alarmed, and therewith well content, if he escaped unharmed on account of what had passed and without suspicion, when he was so openly and audaciously endeavouring to rescue the common enemies of all, and admitting that he had no pity for the state, such and so great though it was, and though it had so narrowly escaped destruction, but was shedding tears and lamenting because those who ought never to have existed or been born would by their death release the state from great bloodshed and danger. They say that this is the only speech of Cato which is preserved, and that it was owing to Cicero the consul, who had previously instructed those clerks who surpassed the rest in quick writing in the use of certain signs which comprehended in their small and brief marks the force of many characters and had placed them in different parts of the Senate house. For the Romans at this time were not used to employ nor did they possess what are called note-writers,[689] but it was on this occasion, as they say, that they were first established in a certain form. However, Cato prevailed and changed the opinion of the Senate, who condemned the men to death.
XXIV. Now as we perhaps ought not to omit even the slight tokens of character when we are delineating as it were a likeness of the soul, it is reported that on this occasion when Caesar was making much exertion and a great struggle against Cato, and the attention of the Senate was fixed on both of them, a small letter was brought in for Caesar from the outside. Cato attempted to fix suspicion on this matter, and alleged that some of the senators were disturbed at it and he bade him read the writing, on which Caesar handed the letter to Cato who was standing near him. Cato read the letter, which was an amatory epistle addressed to Caesar by his sister Servilia[690] who was enamoured of Caesar and had been debauched by him, and throwing it at Caesar he said, "Take it, drunkard," and so resumed his speech. Indeed in the female part of his family Cato appears to have always been unlucky. For this sister had a bad report in respect of Caesar; and the conduct of the other Servilia, also a sister of Cato, was still more unseemly. For though she was married to Lucullus, a man who was among the first of the Romans in reputation, and bore him a child, she was driven from his house for incontinence. And what was most scandalous of all, even Cato's wife Atilia was not free from such vices, for though he had two children by her, he was compelled to put her away for her unseemly behaviour.
XXV. Cato then married Marcia, a daughter of Philippus,[691] who had the character of being an honest woman, and about whom a good deal is said; but just as in a drama, this part of Cato's life is a difficult and perplexed matter. However it was after the following manner, as Thrasea[692] writes, who refers as his authority to Munatius, a companion and intimate associate of Cato. Among the numerous friends and admirers of Cato there were some more conspicuous and distinguished than others, of whom one was Quintus Hortensius,[693] a man of splendid reputation and honest morals. Now as Hortensius was desirous to be not merely an intimate friend and companion of Cato, but in a manner to unite in kinship and community the whole family and stock, he endeavoured to persuade Cato, whose daughter Porcia was the wife of Bibulus and had born him two sons, to give her in turn to him as a fertile soil to beget children in. He said that according to men's opinion such a thing was strange, but that according to nature it was good and for the advantage of states, that a woman who was in her youth and perfection should neither lie idle and check her procreative power, nor yet should by breeding more children than enough cause trouble to her husband and impoverish him when he wanted no more children; but that if there was a community of offspring among worthy men, it would make virtue abundant and widely diffused among families, and would mingle the state with itself by these family relationships. If Bibulus, he said, was greatly attached to his wife, he would return her as soon as she had born a child, and he had become more closely united both with Bibulus and Cato by a community of children. Cato replied that he loved Hortensius and valued his kinship, but he considered it strange for Hortensius to speak about the marriage of his daughter who had been given to another; on which Hortensius changing his proposal and disclosing himself did not hesitate to ask the wife of Cato, who was still young enough to bear children, while Cato himself had children enough. And it cannot be said that Hortensius did this because he knew that Cato paid no attention to Marcia, for they say that she happened to be with child at the time. Accordingly Cato seeing the earnestness and eagerness of Hortensius did not refuse, but he said that Philippus the father of Marcia must also approve of it. When they had seen Philippus and informed him of the agreement, he did not give Marcia in marriage, except in the presence of Cato, and Cato joined in giving her away.
Though this took place later, it seemed convenient to me to anticipate the time as I had made mention of the female part of Cato's family.
XXVI. When Lentulus and his associates had been executed, and Caesar, on account of the charges and insinuations made against him before the Senate, betook himself to the people for protection and was stirring up the numerous diseased and corrupted members of the state and collecting them about him, Cato, being alarmed, persuaded the Senate to relieve the crowd of poor who had no property by an allowance of grain, the expenditure for which purpose was to the amount of twelve hundred and fifty talents[694] annually; and the threats of Caesar were manifestly rendered futile by this liberality and bounty. After this, Metellus, as soon as he had entered on the tribuneship, got together tumultuous meetings and proposed a law that Pompeius Magnus[695]
should hasten to Italy with his forces and should undertake the protection of the city, which it was alleged was in danger from Catiline. This was in appearance a specious proposal, but the real object and end of the law was to put affairs in the hands of Pompeius and to surrender to him the supremacy. When the Senate was assembled and Cato did not in his usual way fall violently on Metellus, but advised him with much forbearance and moderation, and at last even betook himself to entreaty and praised the family of the Metelli for having always been aristocratic, Metellus becoming much emboldened and despising Cato, whom he supposed to be giving way and cowering, broke out in extravagant threats and arrogant expressions, as if he would accomplish every thing in spite of the Senate. On this Cato, changing his attitude and tone and language, and concluding all that he said with a vehement affirmation that so long as he lived Pompeius should not come into the city with his soldiers, brought the Senate to this opinion, that neither he nor Metellus was in a sober mind and that neither of them was guided by sound considerations, but that the measures of Metellus were madness which from excess of depravity was loading to the destruction and confusion of every thing, and those of Cato an enthusiasm of virtue struggling in behalf of honour and justice.
XXVII. But when the people were going to vote on the law, and armed strangers and gladiators and slaves had come to the Forum arrayed to support Metellus, and that part of the people which longed for Pompeius from desire of change was not small, and there was also great support from Caesar who was then praetor, and the first men of the citizens rather shared in the indignation and wrongs of Cato than joined him in making resistance, and great depression and alarm prevailed in his family, so that some of his friends taking no food watched all night with one another in perplexed deliberation on his behalf, and his wife and sisters also were lamenting and weeping, Cato himself displayed a fearless and confident behaviour to all, and cheered them, and he took his supper, as usual, and after resting all night was roused from a deep sleep by Minucius Thermus one of his colleagues; and they went down to the Forum with a few persons accompanying them, though many met them and urged them to be on their guard. When Cato stopped and saw the temple of the Dioscuri[696]
surrounded by armed men and the steps guarded by gladiators, and Metellus himself with Caesar sitting above, he turned to his friends and said, "O the daring and cowardly men, to collect such a force of soldiery against a single man unarmed and defenceless." Saying this he advanced straight forwards with Thermus; and those who occupied the steps made way for them but they let nobody else pass, except that Cato with difficulty pulled Munatius by the hand and got him up, and then advancing right onwards, he flung himself between Metellus and Caesar and there took his seat, and so cut off their communications.
Caesar and Metellus were disconcerted, but the better part of the people seeing and admiring the noble bearing and spirit of Cato came nearer, and with shouts encouraged Cato to be of good heart, and they urged one another to stay and keep close together and not to betray their liberty and the man who was contending in defence of it.
XXVIII. The clerk now produced the law, but Cato would not let him read it, and when Metellus took it and began to read, Cato snatched the writing from him; and when Metellus who knew the law by heart was beginning to declare it orally, Thermus held his mouth with his hand and stopped his voice, till at last Metellus seeing that the men were making an opposition which he could not resist and that the people were beginning to give way to what was best and to change, he ordered armed men to hurry thither from his house[697] with threats and shouts. This being done, and all having been dispersed except Cato, who stood there, though he was pelted with stones and pieces of wood from above, Murena, who had been brought to trial and prosecuted by Cato, did not remain indifferent, but holding his toga in front of him and calling out to those who were throwing missiles, to stop, and finally persuading Cato himself and taking him in his arms, led him off to the temple of the Dioscuri. Now when Metellus saw that all was clear about the Rostra, and that his opponents were flying through the Forum, being quite confident that he had got the victory, he ordered the armed men to go away, and coming forward in an orderly manner he attempted to conduct the proceedings about the law. But his opponents quickly recovering themselves from their rout again advanced with loud and confident shouts, so that the partizans of Metellus were seized with confusion and fear, for they thought that their opponents were falling on them with arms which they had provided themselves with from some place or other, and not one of them stood his ground, but all ran away from the Rostra. When they were thus dispersed, and Cato coming forward partly commended and partly encouraged the people, the people prepared themselves to put down Metellus by every means, and the Senate assembling declared anew that they would support Cato and resist the law, which they considered to be introducing discord and civil war into Rome.
XXIX. Metellus himsalf was unmoved from his purpose and still bold, but seeing that his partizans were struck with great terror at Cato, and considered him invincible and that it was impossible to overpower him, he suddenly hurried out to the Forum, and assembling the people he said many things calculated to bring odium on Cato, and crying out that he was flying from his tyranny and the conspiracy against Pompeius, for which the city would speedily repent and for their disgracing so great a man, he forthwith set out to Asia to lay all these charges before Pompeius. Now the fame of Cato was great inasmuch as he had eased the state of the no small burden of the tribuneship, and in a manner had put down the power of Pompeius in the person of Metellus; but he got still more credit by not consenting that the Senate, who were minded to do it, should degrade Metellus, and by opposing the measure and praying them not to pass it. For the majority considered it a token of a humane and moderate temper not to trample on his enemy nor insult him after he had got the victory; and to the prudent it appeared wise and politic in him not to irritate Pompeius.
After this, Lucullus,[698] who had returned from his campaign, the conclusion and the glory of which Pompeius was considered to have snatched from him, ran the risk of not having a triumph, owing to Caius Memmius stirring up the people and bringing charges against him, rather to please Pompeius than out of any private ill-will. But Cato, being connected with Lucullus by Lucullus having married Cato's sister Servilia, and also thinking it a scandalous affair, resisted Memmius and exposed himself to much calumny and many imputations. Finally an attempt being made to eject Cato from his office, on the ground that he was exercising tyrannical power, he so far prevailed as to compel Memmius himself to desist from his prosecution and to give up the contest. Lucullus accordingly had a triumph, in consideration of which he stuck still more closely to the friendship of Cato, which was to him a protection and bulwark against the power of Pompeius.
XXX. Pompeius[699] returning from his military command with great reputation, and relying on the splendour and heartiness of his reception for getting everything from the citizens that he asked for, sent a message to the Senate before his arrival at Rome, to ask them to put off the Comitia, that he might be present to assist Piso at his canvass. The majority were ready to give way, but Cato who did not consider the putting off the Comitia as the chief matter, and wished to cut short the attempts and the hopes of Pompeius, opposed the request and induced the Senate to change their mind and reject it.
This gave Pompeius no little uneasiness, and considering that he should find no slight obstacle in Cato, if he did not make him his friend, he sent for Munatius,[700] an intimate of Cato, and as Cato had two marriageable nieces, he asked for the elder for his own wife, and the younger for his son. Some say that the suit was not for the nieces, but the daughters of Cato. When Munatius made the proposal to Cato and his wife and sisters, the women were delighted above measure at the prospect of the alliance by reason of the greatness and reputation of the man; but Cato, without pause or deliberation, with passion forthwith replied, "Go, Munatius, go, and tell Pompeius, that Cato is not to be caught by approaching him through the women's chamber, but that he is well content to have the friendship of Pompeius, and if Pompeius will act rightly, Cato will show him a friendship more sure than any marriage connection, but he will not give up hostages to the reputation of Pompeius contrary to the interests of his country." The women were vexed at these words, and Cato's friends blamed his answer as both rude and insolent. The next thing, however, was that Pompeius while trying to secure the consulship for one of his friends, sent money for the tribes, and the bribery[701] was notorious, the money being counted out in his gardens. Accordingly when Cato observed to the women, that he who was connected with Pompeius by marriage, must of necessity participate in such measures and be loaded with the disgrace of them, they admitted that he had judged better in rejecting the alliance of Pompeius. But if we may judge by the result, Cato appears to have made a complete mistake in not accepting the proposed alliance with Pompeius, and allowing him to turn to Caesar and to contract a marriage, which, by uniting the power of Pompeius and Caesar, nearly overthrew the Roman state and did destroy the constitution, nothing of which probably would have happened if Cato had not, through fear of the small errors of Pompeius, overlooked the greatest, which was the allowing him to increase the power of another.
XXXI. These things, however, were still in the future. Now when Lucullus was engaged in a contest with Pompeius respecting the arrangements made in Pontus, for each of them wished his own arrangements to be confirmed, and Cato gave his aid to Lucullus, who was manifestly wronged, Pompeius being worsted in the Senate and seeking to make himself popular, proposed a division of lands among the soldiery. But when Cato opposed him in this measure also and frustrated the law, Pompeius next attached himself to Clodius, the boldest of the demagogues at that time, and gained over Caesar,[702] to which Cato in a manner gave occasion. For Caesar, who had returned from his praetorship in Iberia, at the same time wished to be a candidate for the consulship and asked for a triumph. But as it was the law that those who were candidates for a magistracy should be present, and those who were going to have a triumph should stay outside the walls, Caesar asked permission of the Senate to solicit the office through means of others. Many were willing to consent, but Cato spoke against it, and when he saw that the Senators were ready to oblige Caesar, he took up the whole day in talking, and thus frustrated the designs, of the Senate. Caesar accordingly giving up his hopes of a triumph, entered the city, and immediately attached himself to Pompeius, and sought the consulship. Being elected consul, Caesar gave Julia in marriage to Pompeius, and the two now coalescing against the state, the one introduced laws for giving to the poor allotments and a distribution of land, and the other assisted in supporting these measures. But Lucullus and Cicero siding with Bibulus, the other consul, opposed the measures, and Cato most of all, who already suspected that the friendship and combination of Caesar and Pompeius had no just object, and said that he was not afraid of the distribution of the land, but of the reward for it which those would claim who were gratifying the multitude, and alluring them by this bait.
XXXII. By these arguments Cato brought the Senate to an unanimous opinion; and of those without the Senate no small number supported the senators, being annoyed at the unusual measures of Caesar: for what the boldest and most reckless tribunes were used to propose for popularity's sake, these very measures Caesar in the possession of consular power adopted, basely and meanly endeavouring to ingratiate himself with the people. Caesar's party, therefore, being alarmed, had recourse to violence, and first of all a basket of ordure was thrown upon Bibulus as he was going down to the Forum, and then the people fell on his lictors and broke the fasces; finally missiles being thrown about, and many being wounded, all the rest ran away from the Forum except Cato, who walked away slowly, every now and then turning round and cursing the citizens. Accordingly Caesar's partisans not only passed the law for the distribution of land,[703] but they added to it a clause to compel all the Senate to swear that they would maintain the law, and give their aid against any one who should act contrary to it, and they enacted heavy penalties against those who did not swear.
All swore to maintain the law under compulsion, bearing in mind what befell Metellus of old, whom the people allowed to be driven from[704]
Italy because he would not swear to observe a like enactment. For this reason the women of Cato's family with tears earnestly entreated him to yield and take the oath, and also his friends and intimate acquaintance. But the person who most persuaded and induced Cato to take the oath was Cicero the orator, who argued and urged that perhaps it was not even right for him to think that he was the only man who ought to refuse obedience to what had been determined by the common voice; and when it was impossible to undo what had been done, it was altogether senseless and mad to have no regard for himself; and of all evils, he argued, it was the greatest to give up and surrender the state, to the interests of which all his actions were directed, to those who were plotting against it, as if he were glad to be released from all struggles in its behalf; for if Cato did not stand in need of Rome, Rome stood in need of Cato, and all his friends also did; and among them Cicero said that he was the first, being the object of the designs of Clodius, who was clearly proceeding to attack him by means of the tribunitian office. By these and the like arguments and entreaties, both at home and in the Forum, it is said that Cato was induced to relent, and was prevailed upon with difficulty, and that he came forward to take the oath last of all, except Favonius, one of his friends and intimates.
XXXIII. Caesar being encouraged, introduced another law for the division of nearly the whole of Campania among the poor and needy.
Nobody spoke against it except Cato; and him Caesar caused to be dragged from the Rostra to prison, Cato the while remitting nothing of his freedom of speech, but as he went along, at the same time speaking about the law and advising them to cease attempting such political measures. The Senate followed with downcast countenances, and the best part of the people, much annoyed and troubled, though they said nothing, so that Caesar did not fail to see that they were displeased; but out of self-will and expectation that Cato would appeal and have recourse to entreaties, he continued leading him to prison. But when it was plain that Cato intended to do nothing at all, Caesar, overcome by shame and the ill opinion of the thing, privately persuaded one of the tribunes to rescue Cato. By these laws, however, and these grants of land, they so cajoled the people, that they voted to Caesar the government of Illyricum and all Gaul with four legions for five years, though Cato warned them that they would by their own votes plant the tyrant in the Acropolis; and they transferred by illegal means Publius Clodius from the patrician order to the plebeians, and made the man a tribune, who was willing to do anything in his public capacity to serve them, on condition that they would let Cicero be driven out; and they made consuls Piso[705] Calpurnius, the father of Caesar's wife, and Gabinius Aulus, a man from the lap of Pompeius, as those say who were acquainted with his habits and life.
XXXIV. But though Caesar and his party had thus violently got possession of the power, and had one part of the citizens at their command through their grants, and another part through fear, they still dreaded Cato. For even when they did get the advantage over him, the fact that it was with difficulty and labour, and not without shame and exposure that they hardly forced their purpose, was annoying and vexatious. Clodius, indeed, did not expect to be able to put down Cicero so long as Cato was at home, and as he was contriving how to effect this, he sent for Cato as soon as he was in his office, and addressed him to the effect that he considered Cato to be the purest man of all the Romans, and he was ready to prove the sincerity of his opinion by his acts, and he said that though many persons were soliciting the commission to Cyprus and Ptolemaeus,[706] and asking to be sent, he thought Cato alone worthy of it, and that he gladly offered him the favour. On Cato crying out that the thing was a snare and insult and not a favour, Clodius replied in an insolent and contemptuous manner, "Well, if you don't like it, you shall make the voyage against your liking;" and immediately going before the people he got the mission of Cato confirmed by a law. When Cato was leaving Rome, Clodius allowed him neither ship nor soldier nor attendant except two clerks, one of whom was a thief and a thorough knave, and the other was a client of Clodius. And as if he had given him but small occupations with the affairs of Cyprus and Ptolemaeus, Clodius commissioned him also to restore the Byzantine fugitives, his wish being that Cato should be as long as possible from Rome during his tribuneship.
XXXV. Being under such compulsion, Cato advised Cicero, who was pressed by his enemies, not to raise any commotion nor to involve the city in a contest and bloodshed, but by yielding to the times to be again the saviour of his country; and sending forward to Cyprus Canidius,[707] one of his friends, he prevailed on Ptolemaeus[708] to yield without a struggle, assuring him that he should want neither money nor respect, for that the people would give him the priesthood of the goddess at Paphos.[709] Cato himself stayed in Rhodes making preparation and waiting for the answers. In the meantime Ptolemaeus,[710] King of Egypt, left Alexandria in anger after quarrelling with the citizens, and set sail for Rome in the hope that Caesar and Pompeius would restore him with a military force; and as he wished to see Cato he sent a message, expecting that Cato would come to him. Cato happened to be then undergoing a purging,[711] and he answered that Ptolemaeus must come, if he wished to see him; and when the king did come, Cato neither advanced to meet him nor rose, but saluted him as one of his ordinary visitors and bade him be seated; and by this behaviour the king was at first disturbed, and was amazed at the contrast between Cato's haughty behaviour and rough manners, and the meanness and simplicity of the man's attire. But when he had begun to talk with him about his own affairs, and listened to words full of wisdom and plain-speaking, for Cato reproved him and showed what a happy condition he had left and to what servitude and toils and corruption and love of aggrandisement in the chief men of the Romans he was subjecting himself, whom scarcely Egypt would satisfy if it were all turned into silver, and Cato advised the king to return and be reconciled to his people, and said that he was ready to sail with him and assist in bringing about an accommodation, the king, as if he had been brought to his senses from some madness or delirium by the words of Cato, and perceiving the integrity and judgment of the man, was resolved to follow his advice. However, the king was again turned by his friends to his original design, but as soon as he was in Rome and was approaching the door of one of the magistrates, he groaned over his ill resolve, as if he had rejected, not the advice of a good man, but the prophetic warning of a deity.
XXXVI. The Ptolemaeus in Cyprus, to Cato's good luck, poisoned himself; and as it was said that he had left a large sum of money, Cato determined to go to Byzantium himself, and he sent his nephew Brutus[712] to Cyprus, because he did not altogether trust Canidius.
After bringing the exiles to terms with their fellow-citizens and leaving Byzantium at peace with itself, he sailed to Cyprus. Now as there was a great quantity of movables, such as suited a royal household, consisting of cups, tables, precious stones and purple, all which was to be sold and turned into money, Cato being desirous to do everything with the greatest exactness and to bring up everything to the highest price, and to be present everywhere and to apply the strictest reckoning, would not trust even to the usages of the market, but suspecting all alike, assistants, criers, purchasers and friends, in fine, by talking to the purchasers singly and urging them to bid, he in this way got most of the things sold that were put up for sale.
Cato thus offended the rest of his friends by showing that he did not trust them, and Munatius, the most intimate of all, he put into a state of resentment that was well nigh past cure; so that when Caesar was writing his book against Cato, this passage in the charges against him furnished matter for the most bitter invective.
XXXVII. Munatius, however, states that his anger against Cato arose not by reason of Cato's distrust of him, but his contemptuous behaviour, and a certain jealousy of his own in regard to Canidius; for Munatius also published a book about Cato, which Thrasea chiefly followed. He says that he arrived after the rest in Cyprus and found very poor accommodation prepared for him; and that on going to Cato's door he was repulsed, because Cato was engaged about some matters in the house with Canidius, and when he complained of this in reasonable terms, he got an answer which was not reasonable and to the effect: That excessive affection, as Theophrastus says, is in danger of often becoming the cause of hatred, "for," continued Cato, "you, by reason of your very great affection for me, are vexed when you suppose that you receive less respect than is your due. But I employ Canidius because I have made trial of him and trust him more than others, for he came at the first and has shown himself to be an honest man." This, says Munatius, Cato said to him, when they two were alone, but that Cato afterwards told it to Canidius; and accordingly when Munatius heard of it, as he says, he did not go to Cato's table nor to his counsels when he was invited; and when Cato threatened that he would take pledges[713] from him, which the Romans do in the case of those who refuse to obey a command, that without caring for Cato's threats he sailed away from Cyprus and for a long time continued to be angry with him. That afterwards Marcia, for she was still the wife of Cato, having spoken with Cato, both Cato and he happened to be invited to supper by Barcas;[714] and Cato, who came in after the guests were seated, asked where he should recline. Upon Barcas answering, "Where he pleased," Cato looking about him said he would take his place near Munatius; and going round he did take his place near him, but showed him no other sign of friendly feeling during the supper. However, up