Great, indeed, are the possibilities of our country. The subject of this narrative, thirteenth president of the United States, was born in Summer Hill, Cayuga county, New York, January 7th, 1800. The nearest house to that of Fillmore was four miles distant. Cayuga county was then a wilderness with few settlers, consequently young Fillmore's education was limited to instruction in reading, writing, spelling and the simplest branches of arithmetic. At fourteen he was bound out to learn the fuller's trade.
Think of it boys, what splendid opportunities most of you have; yes, all of you have, compared to that of Fillmore, for he had not the advantage of our glorious and complete school system, and at that was bound out when a mere lad. Yet at the age of nineteen he presumed to aspire to become a lawyer! He had two more years to serve in his apprenticeship, but "Where there's a will there's a way." "To think a thing impossible is to make it so," and he accordingly set to work contriving to gain for himself an education.
Contracting with his employer to pay him $30 for his release, that obstacle was overcome. He next made an arrangement with a retired lawyer, by which he received his board for services, and studied nights.
This continued for two years, when he set out on foot for Buffalo where he arrived with just $4 in his pocket. Ah! methinks people who saw that boy must have felt that he was destined to be somebody in the world.
"Neither do men light a candle and put it under a bushel but on a candlestick; and it giveth light unto all that are in the house."
How often are we so deeply impressed by reading the biographies of great men that it really does in a great measure rest with ourselves whether we amount to something, or worse than nothing, in the world. We have followed this man from childhood and have seen him overcome all obstacles thus far; will we then be surprised when we read that no sooner did he arrive in Buffalo than he succeeded in making arrangements with a resident lawyer, obtaining permission to study in his office and supported himself by severe drudgery, teaching and assisting the post master.
By the spring of 1823 he had so far gained the confidence of the bar that by the intercession of several of its leading members he was admitted as an attorney by the Court of Common Pleas of Erie county, although he had not completed the period of study usually required, and commenced practice at Aurora where his father resided.
In the course of a few years he acquired not only a large practice but a thorough mastery of the principles of the common law, and he rose to a place among the first lawyers of his State. In 1827 he was admitted as counselor of the Supreme Court of the State. In 1830 he moved to Buffalo where he continued in the practice of law until 1847, when he was elected Comptroller of the great Empire State.
He had previously been in the State legislature and in the national congress. In congress he rose gradually to the first rank for integrity, industry and practical ability. As a State legislator he particularly distinguished himself by his advocacy of the act to abolish imprisonment for debt, which was drafted by him, and which passed in 1831. In congress he supported John Quincy Adams in his assertion of the right of petition on the subject of slavery. He opposed the annexation of Texas, because it extended slave domain and advocated the immediate abolition of the inter-state slave trade.
At the death of President Taylor, Mr. Fillmore, according to the provisions of the Constitution in such cases, became President of the United States, and the poor boy who had entered Buffalo on foot now entered the National Capitol as the ruler of a mighty nation. During his administration a treaty with Japan, securing for the United States valuable commercial privileges, was consummated. His administration, as a whole, was a successful one, and had he not signed the fugitive slave law, he would, undoubtedly, have been the nominee of his party at the convention in 1852.
In 1854 he made an extensive tour in the Southern and Western States, and in the Spring of 1855, after an excursion through New England, he sailed for Europe. While in Rome he received information that he had been nominated by the Native American party in his native country for the office of President. He accepted, but Maryland alone gave him her electoral vote; however, he received a large popular vote. In 1874, March the 8th, he died in Buffalo, where he had resided many years in private life.
WILLIAM H. SEWARD.
A truly eminent American statesman, William H. Seward, was born in Florida, Orange county, New York, May 16th, 1801.
He graduated with much distinction when only nineteen at Union College, Schenectady, New York, then taught school in Georgia six months when he entered a New York law school, and was admitted to the bar in 1822; commenced the practice of law at Auburn in connection with Judge Miller, whose daughter he afterward married.
In 1824 he entered upon his political career by preparing an address for a Republican convention in opposition to the Democratic clique known as the 'Albany Regency,' thus commenced a contention which only ended when the association was broken up in 1838. He presided over a young men's convention in New York in favor of John Quincy Adams' re-election to the presidency. In August, 1828, on his return home he was offered a nomination as member of Congress but declined. He was elected to the State senate in 1830, when he originated an opposition to corporate monopolies which has since ripened into a system of general laws. After a rapid tour through Europe in 1833 he returned home to become the Whig candidate for governor of New York, being defeated by W. L. Marcy. But in 1838 he was elected over Marcy, his former opponent, by a majority of 10,000 votes.
Placed now in a position where he could exercise that mighty mind which he unmistakably possessed, he achieved National distinction in the measures he prosecuted. Prominent among these measures was the effort to secure the diffusion of common school education, advocating an equal distribution of the public funds among all schools for that purpose.
Imprisonment for debt was abolished, the banking system was improved, the first lunatic asylum was established, and every vestige of slavery was cleared from the statute books.
He also became famous through his controversy with the Governor of Virginia. The latter issued a demand on Mr. Seward, as the Governor of New York, for the delivery of two men charged with abducting slaves.
Seward maintained that no State could force a requisition upon another State, founded on an act which was only criminal by its own legislation, and which compared with general standards was not only innocent, but humane and praiseworthy. This correspondence between the two executives known as "The Virginia Controversy" was widely published, and was largely instrumental in bringing about his triumphant re-election in 1840.
At the close of his second term he once more resumed the practice of law, becoming a practitioner in the United States Courts. He was also a great criminal lawyer, and especially aided, not only by gratuitous service, but money also, in aiding people whom he thought unjustly accused. Becoming a United States Senator, he announced his purpose to make no further concessions to the slave power. In his speech on the admission of California, March 11th, 1850, the judgment of the man, his ability to forecast events, and his oratorical powers are displayed.
Among other things he said:
"It is true, indeed, that the national domain is ours. It is true, it is acquired by the valor, and with the wealth of the whole nation. But we hold, nevertheless, no arbitrary power over it. We hold no arbitrary authority over anything, whether acquired lawfully, or seized by usurpation. The Constitution regulates our stewardship; the Constitution devotes the domain to union, to justice, to defence, to welfare, and to liberty."
"But there is a higher law than the Constitution, which regulates our authority over the domain, and devotes it to the same noble purposes.
The territory is a part, no considerable part, of the common heritage of mankind, bestowed upon them by the Creator of the universe. We are his stewards, and must so discharge our trust as to secure in the highest attainable degree their happiness." In another speech, delivered at Rochester in 1858, in alluding to the constant collision between the system, of free and slave labor in the United States, he said:
"It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing forces, and it means that the United States must and will, sooner or later, become either entirely a slave-holding nation, or entirely a free labor nation."
Thus, while others dodged this issue, William H. Seward came squarely out in language which could not be misinterpreted. When the Whig party had proved its incompetency to deal with the slavery question, Mr.
Seward, in conformity with his past public career, withdrew and figured most conspicuously in the founding of the new Republican party.
In the last session of the 36th Congress, when the war clouds were threatening, and desertion of the Union cause became an epidemic, high above the breathings of secession was heard the voice of William H.
Seward, exclaiming: "I avow my adherence to the Union with my friends, with my party, with my State; or without either, as they may determine, in every event of peace or war, with every consequence of honor or dishonor, of life or death." In conclusion he declared: "I certainly shall never directly or indirectly give my vote to establish or sanction slavery in the common territories of the United States, or anywhere else in the world."
His second term closed with the thirty-sixth congress, March 4th, 1861.
In the National Republican convention he was the most conspicuous candidate for the presidency for 1856-60. He made quite an extended tour through Europe, Egypt and the Holy Land in 1859. Upon the accession of Mr. Lincoln to the presidency Mr. Seward was called to fill the seat of honor in his cabinet.
At the outbreak of the civil war Mr. Seward had already shown himself a very able man, but his management of the foreign affairs of our government during those trying hours indelibly stamped him as the most able of able Secretaries of State. He was one of the few men who have been conceded to be a great success in the office of Secretary of State.
His management of the complicated Trent affair, the manner of his declination of the French proposal to unite with Great Britain and Russia in mediating between the Federal and Confederate governments, and his thorough reorganization of the diplomatic service abroad, thus insuring a correct interpretation by foreign powers of the issues before the government; in fact his management of the high office did him great credit, and more than once averted a foreign war.
When Mr. Lincoln had drafted his famous proclamation he submitted it to Seward for approval. Many people at the North were dissatisfied with some measures of the administration, and the rebellion had been characterized as a "Nigger war," even at the North, besides all this the Union arms had met with terrible loss, and Mr. Seward wisely saw the evil results which might follow such a proclamation at this time.
Therefore, through his advice the paper was held until after the victory at Antietam, when the country was further educated and better able to understand and receive the real issue of the war.
Early in the spring of 1865 he was thrown from his carriage, and his jaw and one arm were broken. While confined to his bed by these injuries he was attacked by a would-be assassin, and very severely wounded, being cut several times with a knife--his son Frederick W. came to his rescue and was also injured. It was on the same night that President Lincoln was shot, April 14. The assassin escaped from the house, but was soon arrested and hanged with the other conspirators, July 7.
Mr. Seward's recovery was very slow and painful, and it is thought the shock given by the accident, and this murderous attack impaired his intellectual force, for when he again resumed his duties under President Johnson, he supported the President's reconstruction policy, becoming at dissonance with the party he had so satisfactorily served, until now. At the close of his official term in March, 1867, he retired from public life, and soon made an extended tour through California, Oregon and Alaska; the latter having been acquired during his secretaryship, and mainly through his efforts.
Accompanied by his family he made a tour around the world, returning to Auburn in October, 1871. He was everywhere received with honor and great distinction. The observations made during this extensive voyage are embodied in "Wm. H. Seward's Travels around the World," prepared by his adopted daughter, Olive Risley Seward. He died at Auburn, New York, October 10th, 1872, lamented by a nation.
HORATIO SEYMOUR.
One whose name and deeds are familiar to the people of the whole Union was Horatio Seymour, the most eminent and notable of the later Governors of New York. Born May 31st, 1810, at Pompey, Onondaga county, New York; a hamlet in what was then almost a wilderness.
When he was nine years of age his parents moved to Utica. His school education was obtained at the academies of Oxford and Geneva, New York, and Partridge's military school, Middletown, Connecticut. He studied the science of law, and fitted himself for the profession, being admitted to the bar in 1832, but the death of his father devolved upon him the settlement of a large estate. This withdrew him from his intended calling, but enabled him to give ample time and attention to reading, for he had an intense thirst for knowledge.
His public life began with his appointment as military secretary to Governor Marcy. Martin Van Buren is said to have seen with his keen eye the valuable qualities in the young man, and the appointment was made at his instance. Seymour held this place through Marcy's three terms, 1833-39, and being very young, he became enamored with public life. In 1841 he was elected to the State Assembly as a Democrat, was re-elected three times, and in 1845 was chosen speaker, which office he filled with dignity and courtesy toward all. In 1842, while in the assembly, he was elected Mayor of Utica for one year, and was especially interested in all public matters pertaining to the welfare of that city.
In 1850 Mr. Seymour was an unsuccessful candidate for governor of his native State, being defeated by his personal friend, Washington Hurt, by a plurality of only 262 votes. Considering the hopeless condition of the Democratic party at that time, and his majority of 20,000 over the same competitor two years later, we can imagine something of his popularity at this early period. His first term as the executive of New York was marked by his veto of the prohibitory law which had been passed by the legislature, but his action in regard to the speedy completion of all public works then in progress and the interest he manifested in the diffusion of public education was very exemplary. However, in the ensuing election he was defeated by a plurality, this time, of only 309 votes. In 1862 Mr. Seymour was again elected governor over Wadsworth by nearly 11,000 majority.
The breaking out of the civil war found Mr. Seymour allied to that element of the Democratic party which made its views formally known at what has passed into history as the "Tweedle Hall" meeting. He was one of the principal speakers at this memorable peace convention and employed his eloquence in behalf of concession and conciliation, and pointedly inquired: "Shall we compromise after war or without war?" His position was analogous with many of the great men in both parties at this time. When hostilities had really begun his tone changed, and in his inaugural address, January 1st, 1863, his position was clearly defined as follows: "Under no circumstances can the division of the Union be conceded. We will put forth every exertion of power; we will use every policy of conciliation; we will guarantee them every right, every consideration demanded by the constitution and by that fraternal regard which must prevail in a common country; but we can never voluntarily consent to the breaking up of the union of these States or the destruction of the constitution."
President Lincoln telegraphed Mr. Seymour asking if he could raise and forward forthwith 20,000 troops to assist in repelling the threatened invasion by Lee, of Maryland and Pennsylvania. Within three days 12,000 soldiers were on their way to Gettysburg. The draft riots next occupied his attention. The National government passed a conscription act, March 3rd, enrolling all able-bodied citizens, between twenty and forty-five years of age, and in May the President ordered a draft of three hundred thousand men. The project was exceedingly unpopular, and was bitterly denounced on every hand, says Barnes. The anti-slavery measure of the administration had already occupied widespread hostility to the war.
While Pickett's noble southern troops were assaulting Cemetery Ridge at Gettysburg, inflammatory handbills were being circulated in New York city, which brought on a riot July 13th. The mob rose in arms, sacked houses, demolished the offices of the provost-marshal, burned the colored orphan asylum, attacked the police, and chased negroes; even women and children, wherever found, were chased, and if caught hung to the nearest lamp-post. Two millions of dollars' worth of property was destroyed. The Governor immediately went to New York, and on the 14th he issued two proclamations; one calling on the rioters to disperse; the other declaring the city in a state of insurrection. He divided the city into districts, which were placed under the control of military men, who were directed to organize the citizens; and 3,000 stands of arms were issued to these and other organizations. Boats were chartered to convey policemen and soldiers to any point on the shores of the island where disturbances were threatened. The Governor visited all the riotous districts in person, and by persuasion, as well as by the use of the force at his command, aided in quelling the disturbance.
During his term Governor Seymour commissioned more than 13,000 officers in the volunteer service of the United States. In August 1864 he presided over the Democratic National Convention at Chicago which nominated General McClellan for the presidency. Four years later, much against his will, he was nominated for the presidency himself and was defeated by General Grant, as any nominee of the Democratic party at that time would have been. He then retired to private life, dwelling in elegant repose at his pleasant home near Utica, New York, until his death which occurred February 12th, 1886.
His occasional addresses were charming to the hearer, and no man could deliver a more edifying speech at any celebration. He was an ardent lover of American history, particularly the history of his native State, and on all State topics he discoursed with learning and a charm peculiarly original. Notwithstanding the high position held by Mr.
Seymour among the great men of his time his funeral was very simple.
Rev. Dr. A. B. Goodrich offered a prayer at the residence of ex-Senator Roscoe Conkling, his brother-in-law, after which the regular services were conducted at the old Trinity Church. After the services the body was borne to Forest Hill Cemetery and placed in the Chapel of Roses.
WINFIELD S. HANCOCK.