The committee-room was resorted to in parties of four and six at a time, always leaving enough on watch, and not resorted to by one side alone.
The opposition were invited to a full participation, an invitation of which those who were able to maintain their temper availed themselves of, but the greater part were not in a humor to eat anything--especially at such a feast. The night was wearing away, the expungers were in full force, masters of the chamber happy and visibly determined to remain. It became evident to the great opposition leaders that the inevitable hour had come that the 'damnable deed was to be done that night,' and that the dignity of silence was no longer to them a tenable position.
The battle was going against them, and they must go into it without being able to re-establish it. In the beginning they had not considered the expunging movement a serious proceeding, as it advanced they still expected it to miscarry on some point, now the reality of the thing stood before them confronting their presence and refusing to "down" at any command.
Mr. Calhoun opposed the measure in a speech of great severity. The day, said he, is gone, night approaches and night is suitable to the dark deed we meditate; there is a sort of destiny in this thing, the act must be performed, and it is an act which will tell upon the political history of this country forever. Mr. Clay indulged in unmeasured denunciation of the whole thing. The last speech in opposition to the measure was made by Mr. Webster, who employed the strongest language he could command condemnatory of an act which he declared was so unconstitutional, so derogatory to the character of the senate, and marked with so broad an impression of compliance with power. But though thus pronounced an irregular and unconstitutional proceeding by Mr.
Webster and the other senators with whom he sided and voted, Mr. John Quincy Adams, who was at the time a member of the house, and in direct antagonism, politically, with Mr. Benton, and to the Jackson administration held a different opinion.
Midnight was now approaching. The dense masses which filled every inch of the room in the lobbies and in the galleries remained immovable. No one went out, no one could get in. The floor of the Senate was crammed with privileged persons, and it seemed that all Congress was there.
Expectation and determination to see the conclusion were depicted on every countenance. It was evident there was to be no adjournment until the vote should be taken--until the deed was done, and this aspect of invincible determination had its effect upon the ranks of the opposition. They began to falter under a useless resistance; they alone now did the talking, and while Mr. Webster was yet reciting his protest two Senators from the opposition side who had been best able to maintain their equanimity, came around to the mover of the resolution and said: 'This question has degenerated into a trial of nerves and muscles. It has become a question of physical endurance, and we see no use in wearing ourselves out to keep off for a few hours longer what has to come before we separate. We see that you are able and determined to carry your measure--so call the vote as soon as you please. We shall say no more.'
Webster concluded. No one arose. There was a pause, a dead silence, and an intense feeling. Presently the silence was invaded by the single word 'question'--the parliamentary call for a vote--rising from the seats of different Senators. One blank in the resolve remained to be filled--the date of its adoption. It was done. The acting President of the Senate, Mr. King, of Alabama, then directed the roll to be called. The yeas and nays had been previously ordered, and proceeded to be called by the Secretary of the Senate, the result showing a majority of five on the side of the expungers.
The passage of the resolution was announced by the chair. Mr. Benton arose, and said that nothing now remained but to execute the order of the Senate, which he moved to be done forthwith. It was ordered accordingly. The secretary thereupon produced the original manuscript journal of the Senate, and opening at the page which contained the condemnatory sentence of March 28, 1834, proceeded in open Senate to draw a square of broad black lines around the sentence, and to write across its face in strong letters: EXPUNGED BY ORDER OF THE SENATE THIS 16TH DAY OF JANUARY, 1837.
HENRY CLAY.
A few miles from old Hanover court-house in Virginia, where the splendors of Patrick Henry's genius first beamed forth, is a humble dwelling by the road-side, in the midst of a miserably poor region known as the slashes. There, on the 12th of April, 1777, Henry Clay, the great American statesman, was born, and from the district-schools of his neighborhood he derived his education. He was the son of a Baptist clergyman of very limited means, hence his early advantages were of necessity meager. He was very bashful and diffident, scarcely dare recite before his class at school, but he DETERMINED to BECOME AN ORATOR, he accordingly began the plan of committing speeches and then reciting them in the corn-fields; at other times they were delivered in the barn, before the cows and horse.
[Illustration: DETERMINATION. Engraved Expressly for "Hidden Treasures."]
Henry became a copyist in the office of the clerk of the Court of Chancery, at Richmond. Here he was enabled to begin the study of law, an opportunity which he at once embraced. While other boys were improving their time 'having fun,' he was studying, and so closely did he occupy his odd time that he was enabled to pass the necessary examination and be admitted to the bar at the early age of twenty. Two years later he moved "West," (he was enterprising), settling at Lexington, Kentucky, where he entered upon the practice of law.
Here he became an active politician as well as a popular lawyer. He was an intelligent young man, and early cultivated a genial disposition which was a leading feature of his splendid success in life. In 1799 Kentucky called a convention for the purpose of revising the constitution of the State. During this campaign young Clay labored earnestly to elect delegates to that convention favorable to the extinction of slavery. Thus early he manifested an interest in a question many years in advance of his countrymen. This is the man who, when afterward told that his action on a certain measure would certainly injure his political prospect replied, "I WOULD RATHER BE RIGHT THAN BE PRESIDENT."
It was even so in this case, his action in behalf of the freedom of slaves offended many but his opposition to the obnoxious alien and sedition laws later restored him to popular favor. After serving in the State legislature with some distinction he was elected to fill the unexpired term of General Adair in the United States Senate. Here he made excellent use of his time, advocating bills on internal improvements, accomplishing much toward that end, although his time expired at the end of the year. He left an impression on that body which foretold his future greatness. He was now returned to his State legislature where he was elected speaker, a position which he held for the next two terms.
Another vacancy occurred and Mr. Clay was again elected to fill the unexpired time in the United States Senate. This time he remained a member of that body two years, and it was during this term that he placed himself on record as one of the first and most powerful of early protectionists; he also favored the admission of Louisiana as a State.
His term expired, he returned to his constituents, who promptly elected him to a seat in the House of Representatives, and immediately upon his appearance in that body he was chosen SPEAKER of the House!
This is an honor without parallel in the whole history of our legislative affairs. It was at this session that John C. Calhoun and William H. Crawford first made their appearance in the National Congress. The duties of this high office he discharged with marked ability and great satisfaction through that and the succeeding Congress until 1814, when he was appointed one of the commissioners to negotiate at Ghent, a treaty of peace with Great Britain. Abroad Mr. Clay proved to be a diplomate of no mean ability, and during his absence he was re-elected to the National Congress, and upon his re-appearance in that august assembly was immediately chosen speaker.
Mr. Clay was one of the unsuccessful candidates for the presidency in 1824, receiving thirty-seven electoral votes, but became Secretary of State under John Quincy Adams, who was chosen president by Congress. In 1831, after a temporary retirement, he was elected to the National Senate, this time for a full term of six years. His services during this period were very important. His compromise measure was probably, under the circumstances, one of the most important bills that ever passed the senate. As is well-known, it secured the gradual reduction of the tariff for ten years, thus satisfying the South, but allowing the manufacturers time to accommodate themselves to the change. Mr. Clay was a strong protectionist but this was a compromise on both sides which Clay was willing to make, even though it might be to satisfy a political opponent--Calhoun--to whom he was bitterly opposed.
Certain it is when he saw his country in danger Henry Clay was not the one to allow partisan hate to stand in opposition to any bill which might tend to peace, and while this measure had little merit in it of itself, still it averted a civil war at that time. In 1834 President Jackson proposed to Congress that they should give him authority to secure indemnity from France through reprisals. Mr. Clay, as chairman of the Committee on Foreign Affairs, reported that Congress would not be justified in so doing, as the neglect on the part of France was clearly unintentional, thus war was once more averted through the influence of the 'great pacifier.'
At the presidential election of 1839 Mr. Clay, General Harrison, and General Scott were submitted to the Whig Convention as candidates. Mr.
Clay was clearly the choice of the convention, but by one of those strange movements which so often occur at such times General Harrison was nominated. Many of Clay's friends were disposed to bolt, but Mr.
Clay promptly acknowledged the ticket, and it was elected. Then followed the death of the President in office, the obnoxious vetoes of the newly installed President--Tyler--the division of the Whig party, the nomination of Mr. Clay at this late inopportune time and the election of Mr. Polk.
At the next convention Mr. Clay was a very prominent candidate for the nomination, but Mr. Taylor's military career seemed to carry everything with it and he was nominated and elected. Had Mr. Clay been nominated at either this convention or in 1839 he would have been elected, but like Webster, the presidential honors were not essential to perpetuate his name. During the year 1849, as the people of Kentucky were about to remodel their constitution, Mr. Clay urged them to embody the principles of gradual emancipation, but they refused to do so.
He was again returned to the senate, and during this term brought out the compromise act of 1850. This measure, while recognizing no legal authority for the existence of slavery in the newly acquired territory of New Mexico, yet declared that in the establishment of territorial governments in such territory no restriction should be made relative to slavery. It also provided for the admission of California without restrictions on the subject of slavery, and opposed the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia. The bill carried with slight changes. Mr. Clay being very feeble was in his seat but few days of the session.
In 1852 he gradually sank until on June 29th, 1852, he died. In him intellect, reason, eloquence, and courage united to form a character fit to command. It was the remark of a distinguished senator that Mr.
Clay's eloquence was absolutely intangible to delineation; that the most labored description could not embrace it, and that to be understood it must be seen and felt. He was an orator by nature, and by his indomitable assiduity he at once rose to prominence. His eagle eye burned with patriotic ardor or flashed indignation and defiance upon his foes or was suffused with commiseration or of pity; and it was because HE felt that made OTHERS feel.
A gentleman, after hearing one of his magnificent efforts in the Senate, thus described him: "Every muscle of the orator's face was at work. His whole body seemed agitated, as if each part was instinct with a separate life; and his small white hand with its blue veins apparently distended almost to bursting, moved gracefully, but with all the energy of rapid and vehement gesture. The appearance of the speaker seemed that of a pure intellect wrought up to its mightiest energies and brightly shining through the thin and transparent will of flesh that invested it."
The particulars of the duel between Mr. Clay and Mr. Randolph maybe interesting to our readers. The eccentric descendant of Pocahontas appeared on the ground in a huge morning gown. This garment had such a vast circumference that the precise whereabouts of the lean senator was a matter of very vague conjecture. The parties exchanged shots and the ball of Mr. Clay hit the centre of the visible object, but the body of Mr. Randolph was untouched. Immediately after the exchange of shots Mr.
Clay instantly approached Mr. Randolph, and with a gush of the deepest emotion said, "I trust in God, my dear sir, you are untouched; after what has occurred I would not have harmed you for a thousand worlds."
The incident referred to above as 'occurring' was the fact of Mr.
Randolph's firing in the air, thus publicly proclaiming his intention not to harm Mr. Clay at all events.
In person, Clay was tall and commanding, being six feet and one inch in stature, and was noted for the erect appearance he presented, while standing, walking, or talking. The most striking features of his countenance were a high forehead, a prominent nose, an uncommonly large mouth, and blue eyes which, though not particularly expressive when in repose, had an electrical appearance when kindled. His voice was one of extraordinary compass, melody and power. From the 'deep and dreadful sub-bass of the organ' to the most aerial warblings of its highest key, hardly a pipe or stop was wanting. Like all the magical voices, it had the faculty of imparting to the most familiar and commonplace expressions an inexpressible fascination. Probably no orator ever lived who, when speaking on a great occasion, was more completely absorbed with his theme. "I do not know how it is with others," he once said, "but, on such occasions, I seem to be unconscious of the external world.
Wholly engrossed by the subject before me, I lose all sense of personal identity, of time, or of surrounding objects."
MARTIN VAN BUREN.
In the quiet little village of Kinderhook, New York, there was at the close of the Revolution, an indifferent tavern kept by a Dutchman named Van Buren. There his distinguished son Martin was born on the 5th day of December, 1782.
After attending the academy in his native village he, at the age of fourteen, began the study of law. His success was phenomenal from the beginning, and he has passed into history as an indefatigable student all through life. In 1808 he was made surrogate of his native county. In 1812 he was elected to the senate of his native State and in that body voted for electors pledged to support DeWitt Clinton for the presidency.
He was attorney-general of the State from 1815 until 1819. Mr. Van Buren was a very able politician and it was through his influence that the celebrated 'Albany Regency,' whose influence ruled the State uninterruptedly for over twenty years, was set on foot.
In 1821 Mr. Van Buren was chosen to the United States Senate and was made a member of the convention to revise the State constitution. In the latter body he advocated the extension of the elective franchise, but opposed universal sufferage, as also the plan of appointing justices of the peace by popular election. He voted against depriving the colored citizens of the franchise but supported the proposal to require of them a freehold qualification of $250. In 1828 he was elected governor of the great State of New York and resigned his seat in the National Congress to assume this new position. As governor he opposed the safety fund system which was adopted by the legislature in 1829. In the month of March of the next year after assuming the gubernatorial chair he accepted the leading position in the cabinet of President Jackson but resigned two years later.
On May 22nd, 1832, he was nominated for the office of vice-president on the ticket with General Jackson, and was elected. The Democratic National Convention, which met at Baltimore May 20th, 1835, unanimously nominated him for the presidency, and in the ensuing election he received 170 electoral votes out of a total of 283,--73 being cast for his principal antagonist, General Harrison. The country was now plunged into the deepest pecuniary embarrassments, the result of previous hot-house schemes and speculations, rather than the result of the administrative measures of Van Buren. He had succeeded to the presidency at a most unfortunate time. Commerce was prostrate; hundreds of mercantile houses in every quarter were bankrupt; imposing public meetings attributed these disasters to the policy of the government.
On May 15th, he summoned an extraordinary session of congress to meet the following September. The president in his message advised that a bankrupt law for banking and other incorporations be enacted; and that the approaching deficit in the treasury be made good by withholding from the States the fourth and last installment of a previous large surplus ordered to be deposited with them by act of June 23rd, 1836, and by the temporary issue of $6,000,000 of treasury notes. He also recommended the adoption of what was called the independent treasury system, which was passed in the senate, but was laid on the table in the other branch of congress. The payment of the fourth installment to the States was postponed, and the emission of $10,000,000 of treasury notes was authorized.
Again the President in his next annual message recommended the passage of the independent treasury bill, but the measure was again rejected.
Another presidential measure, however, was more fortunate, a so-called pre-emption law being enacted, giving settlers on public lands the right to buy them in preference to others. Van Buren's third annual message was largely occupied with financial discussions and especially with argument in favor of the divorcement of the national government from the banks throughout the country, and for the exclusive receipt and payment of gold and silver in all public transactions; that is to say, for the independent treasury. Through his urgent arguments in its favor it became a law June 30, 1840, and it is the distinguishing feature in his administration. The canvass of 1840 was early begun by the opposition, and became a bitterly contested one. The Whigs placed Harrison at the head of their ticket and as Van Buren had no competitor, he became the candidate of the Democracy. Never in the political history of the United States had there been such universal excitement as was displayed in the ensuing campaign. The great financial trials through which the government had passed were made the basis of all argument by the press and orators for the opposition.
Charges of corruption, extravagance and indifference to the welfare of the laboring classes were collected and dumped upon poor Van Buren. Thus was Van Buren represented, while the enthusiasm for Harrison was greatly augmented by log cabins, emblematical of his humble origin. This time Van Buren received only 60 electoral votes, while General Harrison received 234. His last annual message set forth with renewed energy the benefits of the independent treasury; announced with satisfaction that the government was without a public debt; and earnestly advised the enactment of more stringent laws for the suppression of the African slave trade.
In 1844 Mr. Van Buren's friends once more urged his nomination for the presidency by the Democratic national convention at Baltimore. But he was rejected there on account of his opposition to the annexation of Texas to the Union, avowed in a public letter to a citizen of Mississippi who had asked for his position on that question. Though a majority of the delegates in the convention were pledged to his support, a rule being passed making a two-thirds vote necessary to a choice, proved fatal to his interest. For several ballots he led all competitors when he withdrew his name and Mr. Polk was nominated on the ninth ballot.
In 1848, when the Democrats had nominated General Cass, and avowed their readiness to tolerate slavery in the new territories lately acquired from Mexico, Mr. Van Buren and his adherents adopting the name of the free democracy at once began to discuss in public that new aspect of the slavery question.
They held a convention at Utica on June 22nd which nominated Mr. Van Buren for president, and Henry Dodge of Wisconsin for vice-president.
Mr. Dodge declined, and at a great convention in Buffalo on August 9th, Charles Francis Adams was substituted. The convention declared: "Congress has no more right to make a slave than to make a king; it is the duty of the federal government to relieve itself from all responsibility for the existence and continuance of slavery wherever the government possesses constitutional authority to legislate on that subject and is thus responsible for its existence."
In accepting the nomination of this new party Mr. Van Buren declared his full assent to its anti-slavery principles. The result was that in New York he received the votes of more than half of those who had hitherto been attached to the Democratic party, and that General Taylor the candidate of the Whig party was elected. At the outbreak of the civil war he at once declared himself in favor of maintaining the Republic as a Union. Unhappily he died before the close of the war and was thus deprived the satisfaction of seeing perpetuated the Union he so dearly loved. On the 24th of July, 1872, at his home in Kinderhook, he passed from death into life.
STEPHEN ARNOLD DOUGLASS.
One of the most noted statesman of the day was the subject of this narrative. Short, thickset, and muscular in person, and strong in intellect Stephen A. Douglass came to be known as 'The Little Giant.'