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With the registration of voters and the management of elections in their own hands, the "machine bosses" of the "black belt" never fail to return any majority "that is needed." As an instance of this corruption, let us refer to the vote of last August, and of last November, in some of the polling places in the "black belt" counties. In the city of Montgomery, when in fact less than 1,000 votes were cast in August, 3,561 votes were returned. Some weeks after the state election, one of the managers of election in Beat 5 in Montgomery county, stated to Captain Kolb that there were about 200 votes actually cast in this beat in the August election and that the Kolb ticket received over one hundred and fifty of them, and Jones the balance, but the returns gave Jones over four hundred majority! This statement was made to Captain Kolb unsolicited, and by a man who said he had voted for Jones, but was suffering from a punctured conscience on account of the wrong he had done the people of Alabama and himself, by assisting in ballot-box stuffing. Hundreds of similar cases that occurred in the August election may be given, where the ballot-boxes were not only stuffed, but the count reversed.

During the session of the Legislature, at the time of the election of district court solicitors for the present term, a gentleman who happened to be in Montgomery at the time, found the following letter on the floor in the office of the Merchants' Hotel:

"HATCH., Nov. 8, 1892.

"MR. J. V. SMITH, Seale, Ala.:

"We are going to be 'snowed under' here to-day. Our only hope is to be able to throw out the box. Write me by this P. M. mail the most complete plan to do it. Would too many ballots in the box do it? or which is best?"

"Yours, L. 3--3.--"

The envelope which contained this interesting letter, was addressed "J.

V. Smith, Esq., Seale, Ala.," and bears the postmark--"Hatchechubbee, Ala., Nov. 8, 1892." This letter revealed "election methods." Upon investigation, it was learned that Hatchechubbee is a small box of not over 300 votes and that it took two days to do the counting, and then, in spite of being "snowed under," the Democratic ticket claimed 79 majority!

It is only ten miles from Seale to Hatchechubbee. At Oswichee, a beat in the same county of Russell,--in which is Hatchechubbee,--there were 74 more votes in the box than were voters' names on the poll list. Just such "double-dealing" as this, no doubt, won Cleveland's majority in this county. It is useless to add that "J. V. Smith" is an office-holder. He was elected solicitor for the present term in the Third Congressional District. As to "L. 3--3.--" it will be noticed that the letter _C_ is third in the alphabet, which makes "L. 3.--3.--" when the letter _C_ is used in place of "3.--3." read "L. C. C." This "L. C. C., Hatchechubbee, Ala.," is quite partisan in his feelings and is very much disturbed in his sleep with nightmares of "negro supremacy!"

"Doctoring" registration lists is an effective way of preventing boxes from being thrown out on account of not having enough names on the poll list. In some of the "black belt" counties these lists are very sacred, as they contain the names of many dead negroes and good coon-dogs. An ex-sheriff of Marion county stated to the writer that, in the discharge of the duties of that office several years ago, it became necessary for him to save his own life by killing a negro criminal, who had attacked him. The ex-sheriff said that the occurrence often came to his mind, which was full of regrets because of the affair. "However," said he, "I am now feeling easy over the affair, as upon examining the registration lists at the court-house a few days ago, I found the name of this same negro registered, and learned that he was voted for Jones."

Many are the ways by which the Democratic party has overcome any opposition in Alabama. "Doctoring" registration lists, stuffing ballot-boxes, reversing the count, throwing out election returns, etc., has been quite a pastime for the "machine bosses." And soon they will begin to realize "the cost of their game."

Suppose the opposition party, which now has control of thirty-nine counties out of the sixty-six in the state, should resort to the shameful election tactics of the Democratic party! Who could picture the termination of such a result? Referring to such a revolutionary improbability, the _Alliance Herald_ says:

"When the thirty-nine 'white' counties shall commence to count, if they should regard that as the last resort, the figures in a state election would be as startling as amusing. Think of Dallas rolling up 10,000 majority one way, and Etowah rolling up 12,000 for the opposing ticket. Then let Montgomery roll up her 7,000 and see how they would compare with Coosa's 7,000 or Cleburne's 5,000. Then let Wilcox come serenely forward with her usual 6,000 and DeKalb call her hand with 7,000. Lowndes, too, could bob up serenely with her 6,000 and Dale could 'see her' with as blossoming a rose of innocence in a game she does not understand and show up 6,000. The 'white' counties have been holding aloof, until the tricksters worked them in November, but they have found out a thing or two, and if counting must be done they will startle the natives with the unblushing character of what could be done. The 'black belt' had best not force this competition. When Dallas kills 5000 'white'

votes in a 'white' county, by fraudulently counting that number of negro votes in order to succeed, should the whites play for even, it will not be difficult to divine what will be the result. The _Herald_ does not advocate this sort of tactics nor does anyone in the 'white' counties, but there is a great deal of silent thinking about it. No one wants to do it; but if self-preservation shall demand it to thwart the aggressions of the 'black belt,' just watch and see how the innocent and guileless man can 'swear to conduct this election for the best interests of the white people' and down the 'black belt.'"

But the writer thinks "self-preservation" will not demand such a course.

This is not a time for such practices. The common people know it. They are determined to press forward their revolt against the party that gave birth to such revolutionary ideas. The common people of Alabama will not submit longer to such outrages. They are demanding, and, in the name of God and humanity, _will have_ a free and fair expression of their political will on the rostrum and at the polls.

CHAPTER VIII.

SUCCESS OF THE POPULISTS ASSURED.

The people of Alabama will no longer vote the Democratic ticket simply because the "antediluvian" leaders say so. They will no longer be intimidated by party threats, or blindly driven by party lash, but they are going to have a good reason for so doing, hereafter, before casting their votes for the party which has been in power in Alabama for eighteen years, during the whole of which time the people have grown poorer and poorer and no measures have been adopted or suggested for their relief. The great masses of the people cannot again be forced to neglect more pressing interests to take issue on tariff reform only.

While these people favor tariff reform they demand other more vital things as well, and they have formulated these demands into a party platform; and the brave and patriotic people who have the courage to maintain their convictions, will no longer be frightened from the issues they indorse, by threats of disrupting an existing political party,--especially when there no longer remains any necessity for keeping that party together.

For what purpose are political parties organized and why do they continue their existence? The reading and thinking masses understand that there is but one answer: Political parties are formed to educate the people upon a proposed policy and to be instrumental in having such policy enacted into law as soon as the majority of voters favor and cast their votes for it. When the policy which brings a party into existence has become accepted as a proper theory of government and ceases to have any opposition, then the necessity of the political party itself ceases, for it has nothing else to accomplish. It is proper and usual, however, for such a party to continue its existence until some other living issues arise which demand the consideration of the voter. When this is done, one of the political parties which has accomplished its mission, should, by appropriate platform, present the issues of the voters of the country; or some new party having that object in view, should be formed.

The Republican party was formed for the purpose of eradicating chattel slavery in America, opposed secession, and incidentally favored a high protective tariff to enable the United States Government to carry on the Civil War. The Democratic party in the South favored slavery and secession, and thus the issues were made. The Republican party established the objects of its organization and it is conceded that it was right, both in its opposition to slavery and secession, and hence the issues then dividing the old parties are now dead issues, leaving the only issue the incidental one of protection. The fundamental principles promulgated by Jefferson upon which the Democratic party was organized, have been instilled into the hearts of practically all Americans and no organized political party is necessary to maintain them. The issues formerly dividing the Democratic and Republican parties (excepting the tariff) are no longer in politics; and the political "bosses" of neither party can show why those who once opposed slavery and secession should remain as a separate political organization, and those who once favored it should remain as one also, while there are living issues concerning the welfare of the masses of the common people, about which no concern is manifested by either of the old parties.

Had the Democratic party adopted the living issues and burning demands of the common people in its platform, and honestly advocated their speedy enactment into law, then it would be the party of the people. The rank and file of that party in the South and West does not express any marked disapproval of the principal demands for reform that are embodied in the platform of the People's party, yet, nine-tenths of the voters of the Democratic party are controlled adversely to their political belief by one-tenth--the Wall Street or Eastern portion. And, as S. S. King, Esq., a noted reform author, has said, "Whistling against the wind in the effort to drown the fury of the tempest, has always been as effectual as the effort of Western and Southern Democracy to reform in the face of Wall Street dictation." Unfortunately for the Democratic party, it has been controlled by this un-Democratic Eastern end of itself until the importunings of the common people of the West and South have been ignored. The thunder of the "Tammany tiger" having drowned the appeals of the Western and Southern producers, they have been forced to present their demands by independent political action, and the People's party was necessarily the result; and if these people have the courage and manhood to stand firm to their convictions, and to resist the "party lash" which the "machine bosses" will of course continue to vigorously apply, there can be no question as to its success in Alabama.

First and foremost, however, before the strength of any new issues can even be tested in this state, the "machine bosses" who have reigned supreme in Alabama for the last nineteen years must be dethroned. In the name of Democracy they have perverted every principle which the word represents, and by "bulldozing" and fraud, have constantly thwarted the will of the people at the ballot-box. They have inaugurated methods as corrupt and revolutionary as their despotic minds could conceive, that their dominancy of the common people, might be perpetuated with ease; they have shaken the very foundation of the sacred covenant of liberty, broken the peace, blighted the prosperity and threatened the homes of the people; they have also hastened the time when all good, liberty-loving and truly democratic citizens of this state must unite in re-establishing the fact that they are the equals of the "machine bosses," and that a majority should rule. When this is established in fact as well as in theory, then, and not until then, will the demands of the people, which are favored by a majority of the people, be enacted into law. Whether favoring or opposing the demands of the common people, all honest citizens should unite in an effort to secure to those favoring them, the right to have the issues that come before the people fairly tested by a free ballot and a fair count of the votes polled.

Anything else is slavery, which will not be submitted to by the common people of Alabama. In the language of the greatest Alabamian of to-day, Capt. R. F. Kolb, the grandest Commoner of them all, whose every impulse is actuated by a desire to do service to his downtrodden fellow men:

"The common people of Alabama believe that democracy means that the people shall rule. They now feel that a few political 'bosses' are undertaking to overthrow a republican form of government in this state.

I warn the 'machine bosses' to stop and reflect. Don't trifle with these people longer. Let justice be done and sweet Peace will again spread her white wings over our beloved state."

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